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A  HANDBOOK 
OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 


BY 

THE  REV.  H.  SCHUMACHER,  D.D. 

Professor  of  New  Testament  Exegesis  in  the 
Catholic  University  of  America 


Vol.  I 
General  Introduction 


B.  HERDER  BOOK  CO. 

17  South  Broadway,  St.   Louis,  Mo., 

AND 

68  Great  Russell  St.,  London,  W.  C. 
1923 


NIHIL  OB  ST  AT 

Sti.  Ludovici,  (p^^T^^^f^^'  ^9^3 
>J        

Holweck, 


LIBRARY  rm        Censor  Libroriim 


IMPRIMATUR 
Sti.  Ludovici,  die  3.  Julii,  1923 

OCT      '4,  Qf^^Mes  I.  Glennon, 
Archiepiscopus 
Sti.  Ludovici. 

Copyright,  1923 

by 

B.  Herder  Book  Co. 

All  rights  reserved 
Printed  in  U.  S.  A, 


VAIL-BALLOU    COMPANY 

SINQHAMTON  AND   NEW  YORK 


TO 

ARCHBISHOP  OF  BALTIMORE 

AND 

CHANCELLOR  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  UNIVERSITY 

OP  AMERICA 


PREFACE 

It  was  a  happy  coincidence  that  this  Biblical  Handbook 
began  to  appear  just  at  the  time  when  Pope  Benedict  XV, 
in  his  Encyclical  "Spiritus  ParacHtus,"  emphasized  anew 
the  importance  of  a  thorough  study  of  Holy  Writ  for  our 
young  theologians.  The  time  has  gone  by  when  a  "pop- 
ular," i.e.,  superficial,  treatment  of  this  fundamental 
branch  of  theology  was  deemed  sufficient,  and  our  stud- 
ents are  now  ready  and  anxious  to  enter  the  vineyard  of 
the  Lord  equipped  with  a  scientific  spirit. 

The  present  volumes  are  intended  to  supply  the  demand 
for  a  short  and  reliable  guide  for  the  study  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testament. 

A  selection  of  references  to  the  latest  literature  is  ap- 
pended to  each  chapter,  to  enable  the  student  to  find 
recent  sources  for  further  information,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  to  collect  an  up-to-date  Scripture  library. 

Besides  Catholic  literature,  non-Catholic  works,  espe- 
cially American,  are  duly  quoted,  in  order  to  acquaint  the 
student  with  the  efforts  of  non-Catholic  scholars  and  their 
oftentimes  erroneous  methods  and  disastrous  conclusions. 
It  is  hardly  necessary  to  state  expressly  that  the  citations 
of  authors  in  the  "Literature"  lists  added  to  the  various 
chapters  and  problems  do  not  mean  that  I  approve  of 
their  views.  The  representatives  of  various  schools  are 
mentioned  merely  as  sources  for  Scripture  questions 
from  different  points  of  view. 

To  facilitate  access  to  the  Magisterium  Ecclesiae,  the 


vi  PREFACE 

decisions  of  the  Biblical  Commission  are  attached  to  the 
respective  books. 

Beyond  the  usual  plan  of  an  Introduction  to  the  New 
Testament,  a  special  chapter  is  added  on  the  Life  of 
Christ  as  delineated  in  the  Gospels.  This  was  done  in 
order  to  give  the  student  at  least  a  digest  of  the  biography 
of  Him  who  is  the  Central  Character  in  all  history  and  of 
the  questions  that  scholarship  has  grouped  around  Him. 

Each  chapter  is,  moreover,  provided  with  a  special  list 
of  problems,  designed  to  acquaint  the  student  with  the 
most  disputed  modern  problems.  The  solution  of  the 
principal  ones  is  given,  at  least  in  outline,  whilst  the 
necessary  bibliography  for  the  study  of  others  is  briefly 
indicated.  Wherever  no  special  bibliography  is  given, 
the  general  literature  will  suffice  for  the  understanding 
of  the  problem.  This  method  is  used  to  suggest  a  working 
plan  for  theological  seminaries,  where  seminars  in  Holy 
Scriptures  should  be  introduced  and  the  students  entrusted 
with  the  treatment  of  vital  questions.  This,  we  think, 
will  promote  interest  in,  and  zeal  for,  the  study  of  the  more 
important  Biblical  questions,  and  introduce  the  students 
early  into  the  method  of  independent  research. 

I  gladly  seize  this  occasion  to  thank  my  students  in  the 
New  Testament  Department  of  the  Catholic  University  of 
America  for  their  never  failing  enthusiasm,  which  has 
inspired  and  encouraged  their  teacher.  My  deepest 
gratitude  is  due  to  my  friend,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Edwin 
AuwEiLER,  O.F.M.,  who  with  indefatigable  diligence 
and  accuracy  assisted  me  in  the  presentation  of  the  matter 
and  compiled  the  indices.  I  am  likewise  grateful  to  one  of 
my  former  students,  Rev.  B.  Stegmann,  O.S.B.,  now  pro- 


PREFACE  vii 

fessor  in  St.  John's  University,  Collegeville,  Minn.,  for 
assistance  rendered  in  preparing  this  work  for  the  printer. 
I  take  special  delight  in  thanking  my  friend,  Dr.  Arthur 
Preuss  of  St.  Louis,  the  editor  of  the  Pohle-Preuss  Dog- 
matic Series  and  of  the  Koch-Preuss  Handbook  of  Moral 
Theology,  for  his  painstaking  technical  revision  of  these 
volumes .  I  am  also  happy  to  ackno  .vledge  my  indebtedness 
to  my  friend,  the  Rev.  Dr.  John  Cavanaugh,  C.S.C,  who, 
in  spite  of  a  multiplicity  of  duties,  kindly  took  time  to  read 
the  proof-sheets  of  Volume  III.  Finally,  it  is  an  agree- 
able duty  for  me  to  express  my  lasting  indebtedness  to  the 
Very  Rev.  Dr.  Leopold  Fonck,  SJ.,  formerly  Rector  of 
the  Biblical  Institute,  under  whose  inspiring  direction  I 
learned  to  appreciate  the  value  of  the  historico-critical 
method  combined  with  due  reverence  for  the  fines 
paterni. 

My  indebtedness  to  numerous  authors  in  the  field  of 
Old  and  New  Testament  study  has  been  acknowledged 
throughout  by  references  to  their  writings. 

THE  AUTHOR. 

Catholic  University  of  America t 
Washington y  D.  C, 
Christmas  f  ig22. 


FOREWORD 

While  our  English  Catholic  literature  during  the  last  few 
decades  has  been  enriched  with  useful  works  in  many  de- 
partments, it  has  so  far  been  lacking  in  scholarly  and  re- 
liable introductions  to  the  study  of  Sacred  Scripture. 
This  want  has  been  recognized  by  Catholic  scholars  both  in 
England  and  in  America.  We  have,  it  is  true,  a  number 
of  learned  treatises  on  the  subject,  but  we  have  felt  the 
need  of  an  Introduction  more  fully  adapted  to  our  prac- 
tical requirements. 

American  students,  therefore,  will  welcome  these 
volumes.  Dr.  Schumacher  is  already  well  known  as  a 
contributor  to  biblical  literature.  His  earlier  publica- 
tions have  attracted  favorable  attention  from  competent 
critics  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  And  his  experience 
as  a  professor  in  the  Catholic  University  has  acquainted 
him  with  our  situation  and  its  needs. 

The  scope  of  his  work  is  fairly  indicated  by  its  title.  It 
is  an  introduction.  It  aims  at  completeness,  without 
attempting  to  be  exhaustive.  The  essential  topics  are 
presented  clearly  and  concisely,  so  that  while  the  student 
is  given  a  survey  of  the  entire  subject  he  is  not  burdened 
with  verbose  and  tedious  treatises. 

In  keeping  with  this  purpose,  the  method  of  presentation 
enables  the  student  to  see  at  a  glance  the  bearings  of  each 
problem  and  to  grasp  its  essential  meaning.  There  is 
thus  developed  that  sense  of  proportion  which  is  so  im- 
portant especially  in  a  work  of  introduction,  and  is  also 
an  excellent  means  of  training  the  student,  from  the  out- 

ix 


X  FOREWORD 

set,  to  conduct  his  investigation  in  a  clear  and  orderly- 
manner. 

Besides  the  information  which  the  book  itself  affords, 
there  are  summaries  and  references  which  open  the  way  to 
further  study.  The  bibliography  at  the  head  of  each 
chapter  is  designed  to  acquaint  the  student  especially 
with  the  literature  of  the  subject  in  EngHsh,  and  also  with 
the  work  that  has  been  done  by  scholars  of  various  nation- 
alities in  this  broad  field.  The  task  of  gathering  a  library 
on  the  Sacred  Scriptures  will  not  be  difficult  for  any 
one  who  has  these  volumes  at  hand. 

Now  that  the  comparative  study  of  religion  is  so  highly 
developed,  the  chapters  which  set  forth  the  principles 
for  a  comparison  of  the  Bible  with  Oriental  and  Hellenic 
religious  thought,  will  be  appreciated.  It  will  serve  as  a 
guide  through  a  labyrinth  of  questions  and  problems,  each 
of  which  offers  peculiar  difficulties.  It  will,  moreover, 
bring  out  in  clearer  relief  the  surpassing  excellence  of  the 
teachings  of  the  Gospel. 

As  those  teachings  were  exemplified  in  the  person  of  the 
Teacher  himself,  a  chapter  on  the  Life  of  Christ  is  added. 
It  is  both  appropriate  and  helpful,  nay,  necessary  at  a 
time  when  the  "Self -Consciousness  of  Christ"  has  become 
the  center  of  interest  in  New  Testament  study  and  has 
given  rise  to  numerous  problems  at  once  complex  and  im- 
portant. 

For  the  Catholic  scholar  the  authoritative  pronounce- 
ments of  the  Church  are  a  norm  and  guide.  In  recent 
years  the  Holy  See  has  issued  a  number  of  decrees  bearing 
on  the  Bible.  These,  together  with  the  decisions  of  the 
Biblical  Commission,  have  been  added  to  the  text  of  this 


FOREWORD  xi 

Introduction,  so  that  the  student  may  obtain  a  knowledge 
of  important  documents  which  have  appeared  from  time 
to  time  in  various  publications. 

These  features  of  Dr.  Schumacher's  volumes  are  cal- 
culated to  stimulate  the  interest  of  our  students  in  Biblical 
questions.  The  importance  of  a  more  thorough  knowledge 
of  especially  the  Gospels  and  the  other  Apostolic  writings 
is  emphasized  by  the  present  condition  of  the  world. 
Erroneous  views  of  life  and  religion,  propagated  too  often 
in  the  name  of  science,  must  be  corrected  by  the  use  of 
genuine  scientific  method.  If  some  scholars,  in  their 
anxiety  for  the  letter,  have  missed  the  spirit  of  the  Biblical 
teaching,  others  have  found  in  a  more  accurate  knowledge 
of  the  text  new  reason  for  the  faith  that  is  in  them  and  for 
the  hope  with  which  Christian  truth  inspires  them. 
This,  obviously,  is  the  aim  of  the  present  Introduction. 
The  student  who  uses  it  with  profit  will  realize  that  "what 
things  soever  were  written,  were  written  for  our  learning; 
that  through  patience  and  the  comfort  of  the  Scriptures 
we  might  have  hope." 

J.  CARD.  GIBBONS 


CONTENTS 

Chap.  I.         History  of  Biblical  Introduction     .  1-13 

Chap.  II.       History  of  the  Biblical  Text      .      .        14-83 

A.  The  Text  of  the  New  Testa- 

ment            14-61 

B.  The  Text  of  the  Old  Testament      61-83 
Chap.  III.     The  Canon  of  the  Bible        .      .      .     84-100 

A.  The  Canon  of  the  New  Testa- 

ment           84-94 

B.  The  Canon  of  the  Old  Testa- 

ment         94-100 

Chap.  IV.      The  Apocrypha 101-110 

A.  The  New  Testament 

Apocrypha 101-106 

B.  The  Old  Testament 

Apocrypha 106-110 

Chap.  V.  The  Agrapha  of  the  New  Testament  111-112 
Chap.  VI.      Biblical  Hermeneutics     ....    113-127 

Chap.  VII.    BibHcal  Inspiration 128-143 

Chap.  VIII.  Ecclesiastical    Decrees    concerning 

the  Bible 144-153 

Chap.  IX.     The   Bible   and   the   Comparative 

Study  of  ReUgions  ....    154-180 

A.  The  New  Testament  .      .      .    154-171 

B.  The  Old  Testament     .      .      .   171-180 

APPENDICES: 

I.     The  Muratorian  Canon 181 

II.  The  EncycHcal  "Providentissimus  Deus."  185 

III.  The  Encyclical  ''Spiritus  Paraclitus."    .     .  219 

Index 265 

xiii 


ABBREVIATIONS 

(So  far  as  they  are  not  evident  from  the  context.) 

AmJTh — American  Journal  of  Theology. 

BZ — BibliscJie  Zeitschrift. 

Exp — Expositor. 

ExpT — Expository  Times. 

JthSt — Journal  of  Theological  Studies. 

RB — Revue  Biblique. 

TU — Texte  unci  Untersuchungen. 

ZntlW — Zeitschrift  fiir  die  neutestamentliche 
Wissenschaft, 


CHAPTER  I 

HISTORY  OF  BIBLICAL  INTRODUCTION 

The  treatment  of  the  sacred  books  of  the  Old  and  the 
New  Testament  has  its  own  remarkable  character  and 
history,  and  an  Introduction  to  them  should  not  be 
regarded  as  a  branch  of  the  history  of  Jewish  or  Christian 
literature  in  general. 

I.  Patristic  Times.     Christian  antiquity  did  not  produce  a 

systematic  treatise  on  the  problems  of  Introduction. 

Nevertheless  there  was  an  auspicious  beginning. 

1.  Beginnings 

a)  Occasiofial  remarks  in  the  writings  of  the  Fathers 
show  an  acquaintance  with  the  questions  involved. 

a)  Clement  of  Alexandria  and  Origen  compare  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  with  the  rest  of  the  Pau- 
line Epistles  and  try  to  explain  the  differences 
between  them. 

f )  Clement  of  Alexandria  wrestles  with  the  difficul- 
ties connected  with  the  Gospel  of  St.  John. 

y)  Origin  defends  the  credibility  of  the  Gospels  in 
general. 

B)  Likewise  St.  Ambrose  and  St.  Chrysostom,  lay- 
ing special  stress  on  the  purpose  of  each  Gospel. 
{Constructive  beginnings  are  also  found  in 
PapiaSj  Irenaeus,  Eusebius,  Jerome,  etc.) 

b)  Prologues  of  Biblical  MBS.  mark  a  further  develop- 

1 


A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

ment  by  furnishing  elementary  guides  for  the  un- 
derstanding of  the  N.  T.  books.  Famous  are  the 
four  so-called  ''Monarchian  Prologues'  to  the 
Gospels  found  in  Biblical  MSS. 

Cf.  CoRSSEN,  Monarchianische  Prologe,  etc.,  1896. 

c)  Regular  introductory  treatises  are : 

a)  the  text-critical  discussion  of  Dionysius  of  Alex- 
andria directed  against  the  authenticity  of  the 
Apocalypse.     (Eusebius,  H.  E.,  VII,  25.) 

P)  St.  Augustine's,  De  Consensu  Evangelistarum. 
The  purpose  of  these  early  attempts  was  to  defend 
the  authenticity  of  the  N.  T.  books  and  the  trust- 
worthiness of  their  authors.     (Except  Dionysius 
of  Alex.) 

The  attacks  of  heretics  (Celsus,  Marcion,  Porphy- 
rins, etc.)  aided  this  development. 

2.  Growth:  This  is  marked  by  the  controversies  con- 
concerning  the  sense  of  the  Bible.  There  were  two 
Schools: 

a)  The  Alexandrian  School,  representing  the  allegori- 
cal method.  (Most  important :  Origen,  assimiing 
a  threefold  sense  in  the  Bible — literal,  moral,  and 
spiritual;  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Dionysius  of 
Alexandria.) 

b)  The  Antiochian  School,  emphasizing  the  literal  or 
historical  sense  of  the  Bible  (Diodorus  of  Tarsus, 
Theodore  of  Mopsuestia,  Chrysostom,  Theodoret 
of  Cyrus).  Under  the  influence  of  these  schools 
the  growth  of  BibHcal  study  produced  systematic 
collections  of  introductory  principles. 


HISTORY  OF  BIBLICAL  INTRODUCTION      3 

3.  Collection  of  Hermeneutic  Principles 

a)  The  book  of  Melito  of  Sardes(194)  entitled  KXeiq, 
giving  the  key  for  the  explanation  of  Biblical 
tropes,  is  lost. 

b)  A  similar  woik  of  Diodorus  of  Tarsus  (394), 
T((;  Bta^opa  Bewpsfaq  %(x\  dWriyogiaq,  on  the 
historical  and  spiritual  sense,  also  perished. 

c)  The  book  of  the  Donatist  Tychonius  (390),  Septem 
Regulae  ad  Inquirendum  et  Inveniendum  Sensum  s. 
Scripturae,  was  followed  by 

d)  The  work  of  Augustine  (completed  426),  De  Doc- 
trina  Christiana,  hermeneutics  in  the  true  sense  of 
the  word. 

e)  Eucherius  of  Lyons  (ca.  425)  wrote:  Instrudio  ad 
Salonium  Filium  and  Liher  Formulanim  Spiritu- 
alis  Intelligentiae,  an  explanation  of  BibHcal  terms. 

f)  Adrian*  book,  Efaaywy?)  dc;  xaq  Oefac;  ypaqjac; 
(450),  was  the  first  to  bear  the  express  title 
^'Introduction.*'  It  defended  the  Antiochian  meth- 
od and  enjoyed  great  authority. 

g)  In  the  front  rank  are  two  authors  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury, who  formulated  introductory  rules  in  the  mod- 
em sense  (viz.,  canonicity,  authorship,  division,  and 
character  of  the  sacred  books) : 

a)  Junilius  Africanus,  Instituta  Regularia  Divinae 
Legis  (551),  and 

^)  Cassiodorus,  Institutiones  Divinarum  et  Saecula- 
rium  Lectionum  (544) ,  which  remained  the  criti- 
cal text-book  for  the  Bible  throughout  the  Mid- 
dle Ages. 


4        A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

II.  The  Middle  Ages.  The  early  Middle  Ages  incline  to  a 
rather  speculative  consideration  of  the  Bible,  freely 
using  allegorical  and  symbolical  (symbolism  of  num- 
bers) explanations. 

1.  The  first  period  is  characterized  by  a  revival  of 
Patristic  literature,  consisting  mostly  in  copying  the 
Fathers.  Predominant  was  the  influence  of  St. 
Augustine's  book,  De  Doctrina  Christiana. 
Hermeneutic  and  introductory  instructions  are  found 
during  this  time  in 

a)  Hughof  St.  Victor's  (1141)  De  Scripturis  et  Scrip- 
toribus  Sacris; 

b)  St.  Bonaventure's  Proemiuin  to  his  Breviloquium; 

c)  a  short  summary  of  the  hermeneutic  principles  of 
the  Middle  Ages  in  St.  Thomas  Aquinas*  Summa 
Theol.y  la,  qu.  /,  a.  g-io  and  Quodl.,  VII,  qu.  6, 
a.  14-16. 

2.  A  new  stimulus  to  further  progress  was  given  by  the 
acts  of  the  Council  of  Vienne  (1311),  recommending  a 
more  thorough  knowledge  of  Oriental  languages  for 
the  study  of  the  Bible. 

3.  Another  significant  step  forward  was  the  humanistic 
movement. 

4.  A  summary  of  the  whole  knowledge  of  the  Middle 
Ages  on  Introduction  is  contained  in  Nicolaus  of 
Lyra's  Postillae  Perpetuae  in  Universa  Biblia  (1340), 
and  the  Annotationes  to  this  work  by  Paul  of  Burgos 
(1435). 

III.  Influence  of  the  Council  of  Trent  (1546) .     Brble  study 
received  a  new  impetus  at  the  Council  of  Trent,  which 


HISTORY  OF  BIBLICAL  INTRODUCTION       5 

placed  the  Canon  in  the  foreground  of  theological 
interest. 

1.  Important  is  Sixtus  of  Siena  (1569).     In  his  Bibli- 

otheca  Sancla  (8  vols.)  he  discourses  on  Biblical  pas- 
sages  which  are  disputed  to  this  day:  Mark  XVI, 
Q-2o;  Luke  XXII .  43-44;  Joh7i  VIII.  i-ii;  and 
the  seven  Antilegomeyia,  C'de  quibus  aliquando  inter 
Catholicos  sentenlia  anceps''). 

The  Jesuit  School:     Salmeron,  Bellarmine,  Bon- 
frerius,  etc.,  follow  his  lead. 

2.  Of    epoch-making    influence    was    Richard    Simon 

(1712),  the  founder  of  our  present  science  of  Introduc- 
tion. His  important  books,  the  standard  models  for 
the  future,  were: 

a)  Ilistoirc  Critique  du  V.  T.  (1678). 

b)  Histoire  Critique  du  Textedu  N.  T.  (3  vols.,  1689) ; 

c)  Histoire  Critique  des  Versions  du  N.  T.  (1690); 

d)  Histoire  Critique  des  Principaux  Commentateurs  du 
N.  T.  (1693); 

e)  Nouvelles  Observations  sur  le  Texte  et  les  Versions 
du  N.  T.  (1695). 

Characteristics  of  his  method : 

a)  He  recognizes  the  inspired  character  of  the  Bible 

b)  as  guaranteed  by  the  Magisterium  Ecclesiae; 

c)  His  criticism  is  based  on  external  objective  reasons, 
not  on  subjective  grounds. 

3.  The  principal  followers  of  Simon  were  Louis  EUies  du 
Pin,'  Martianay  and  Calmet,  although  they  criticised 
some  of  his  views. 


6        A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

4.  The  ideas  of  R.  Simon  were  vigorously  taken  up  in 
the  19th  century  by  L.  Hug,  Einleitung  in  die  Schrif- 
ten  des  Neuen  Testamenies,  Stuttgart,  1808,  seq. 

a)  The  Modem  Catholic  science  of  Introduction  is 
substantially  based  on  R.  Simon's  and  L.  Hugs 
method  and  embraces:  history  of  the  canon,  text, 
versions,  investigation  of  the  authorship  of  indi- 
vidual books,  authenticity,  integrity,  date,  cir- 
cumstances, purpose,  contents.  (Reithmayr,  Ad. 
Maier,  Haneberg,  Langen,  Kaulen,  Comely,  Bel- 
ser,  Gutjahr,  Schanz,  Jacquier,  Glaire,  Dixon, 
Lamy,  Ubaldi,  Brassac,  Babura,  Camerlynck, 
Meinertz,  Vigouroux,  etc.) 

b)  Later  additions  to  this  method  consist  merely  of 
apologetic  arguments  against  modern  rationalism. 

c)  Hermeneutics  became  a  separate  branch  of  Biblical 
science. 

IV.  Protestant  Introduction.     Meanwhile  Protestantism 
had  invented  subjectivism. 

1 .  In  compensation  for  the  abrogated  Magisterium  Ec^ 
clesiae  it  emphasized : 

a)  the  verbal  inspiration  of  the  Bible, 

P)  the  interior  private  testimonium  Spiritus  Sanctis 

which  is  supposed  to  lead  to  the  recognition  of  the 

sacred  books. 

2.  The  result  was  temporary  stagnation.  In  compari- 
son with  Catholic  progress  under  the  leadership  of  R. 
Simon,  Protestant  advance  was  slow  during  the  18th 
century.    The  works  of  Mai  (1694),  Pritius  (1704), 


HISTORY  OF  BIBLICAL  INTRODUCTION       7 

van  Til  (1720),  Michaelis  (1791),  did  not  promote 
further  progress. 

3.  It  was  philosophy  that  revived  interest.  The 
systems  of  the  Deists,  coming  from  England  and 
France,  and  that  of  Spinoza,  prepared  a  break  with 
the  old  method. 

a)  Of  special  importance  is  5.  Semler  (1791),  who 
radically  extinguished  the  authority  of  the  tradi- 
tional canon. 

b)  The  movement  was  furthered  by  Herder's  ration- 
alism and  the  philosophy  of  Kant  ("pure  reason"). 
Influenced  by  these  principles  are :  Hdnlein,  Ber- 
thold,  Eichhorn,  Credner,  etc. 

4.  A  conservative  reaction  soon  set  in.  It  is  illustrated  by 
the  Introductions  of  Guericke,  Olshausen,  Neander, 
and  Schaff,  who  represented  Neander's  principles  in 
North  America. 

5.  A  radical  change  was  brought  about  by  the  '^Tendenz- 
kritik''  of  Ferdinand  Christian  Baur  (1860),  the 
Hegelian  philosopher  and  founder  of  the  "Tubingen 
School,"  in  his  book  Christentum  iind  die  christliche 
Kircheder  ersten  drei  Jahrhunderte,  Tubingen, 
1853.  According  to  him  the  N.  T.  books  are  the 
reflection 

1)  of  the  great  struggle  between: 

a)  Judaistic  Christendom  (Peter),  and 

^)  the  Gentile  Christian  Church  (Paul),  and 

2)  of  the  gradual  adjustment  of  both  in  Catholicism. 
Of  the  N.  T.  only  the  four  main  Epistles  of  St.  Paul 
(Rom.,  I.  and  II.  Cor.,  and  Gal.)  and  the  Apoca- 


A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

lypse  reach  back  to  the  Apostolic  age.  The  others 
belong  to  the  second  century.  St.  John's  Gospel  and 
II  Peter  mark  the  end  of  the  development. 

a)  Baur's  immediate  followers  were  few,  among  them 
Zeller  and  Schwegler. 

b)  His  opponents  were:  Thiersch,  Ebrard,  Lechler, 
and  especially  Albrecht  Ritschl. 

c)  The  number  of  his  adherents  grew  steadily, 
chief  amongst  them  being  Hilgenfeld,  Kdstlin, 
Volkmar,  Colani,  Holsten,  etc.  The  last  direct 
disciple  of  Baur  was  Otto  Pfleiderer,  late  professor 
at  Berlin.  Outside  of  Germany  he  found  admirers 
in  SchoUen  (Holland),  Davidson  (England),  Reville, 
and  Renan  (France). 

d)  A  middle  course  in  their  opposition  against  the 
school  of  Baur  was  taken  by  H.  Ewald  and  H.  A . 
W.  Mayer,  the  latter  the  author  of  a  well-known 
commentary. 

6.  The  school  of  Baur  was  not  able  to  control  the  situa- 
tion.    Its  place  was  taken  by  two  new  schools: 

a)  The  extreme  radical  school,  ushered  in  by  con- 
temporaries of  Baur,  i.e.,  the  notorious  David  Fr. 
Strauss  (1874),  and  Bruno  Bauer  (1882),  and  sub- 
sequently followed  by  the  Dutch  critics  Allard 
Pier  son  J  Naher,  Loman,  van  Manen,  Volter;  includ- 
ing those  who  arrived  at  the  denial  of  Christ's 
existence,  Arthur  Drews,  Jensen,  W.  B.  Smith, 
Robertson,  Kalthoff,  and  others. 

b)  The  modern  critical  school,  with  Hamack  as  its 
foremost  representative.     Its  principle  is  the  a 


HISTORY  OF  BIBLICAL  INTRODUCTION       9 

priori  denial  of  the  suj^ernatural,  which,  however, 
does  not  prevent  it  from  showing  in  the  dating  of 
the  N.  T.  writings  a  sporadic  tendency  backward 
to  tradition.  To  this  school  belong  the  majority 
of  modern  non-Catholic  scholars:  e.g.,  Weizsdcker, 
Hausrath,  Jiilicher,  H.  J.  HoUzmann,  J.  Weiss, 
Schmiedel,  von  Soden,  Graf,  Wellhausen,  Reuss, 
Spitta,  Weinel,  Wrede,  Bousset,  Gunkel,  Heitmiiller, 
Clemen,  Lietzmann,  etc.,  in  Germany;  Bacon, 
Briggs,  Gould,  Case,  Burton,  Torry,  etc.,  in  Ameri- 
ca; Cheyne,  Bruce,  Moffatt,  Driver,  Stanley,  Sanday, 
etc.,  in  England;  Baljan  in  Holland;  Sabatier, 
Gogiiel,  Loisy,  etc.,  in  France.  More  temperate 
in  their  radicalism,  though  representatives  of  the 
same  school,  are  B.  Weiss,  Gregory,  Barth,  etc. 

7.  They  are  opposed  by  the  conservative  school, 
founded  on  the  principle  of  inspiration.  Among  its 
champions  are:  von  Hofmann,  Grau,  Strack,  Schulze, 
Godet,  and  the  protagonists  of  this  school,  Th.  Zahn, 
etc.,  in  Germany  and  Switzerland;  Alford,  Lightfoot, 
Salmon,  Swete,  Westcott,  etc.,  in  England;  Robin- 
son, Schaff,  Green,  Warfield,  R.  D.  Wilson,  Vos, 
Kyle,  Machen,  etc.,  in  America. 

V.  Modern  Catholic  Introduction 

1.  is  essentially  based  on  the  traditional  principles  of 

a)  Inspiration; 

b)  The  Magisterium  Ecclesiae.  Its  leading  docu- 
ments are  the  Encyclical  '' Providentissimus  Deus'* 
of  Leo  XIII  and  the  more  recent  Encyclical 
'^Spiritus  Paraclitus^'  of  Benedict  XV. 


10      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

2.  The  modernistic  reaction  of  recent  date  amongst 
Catholics  was  completely  silenced  by  the  energetic 
attitude  of  Pius  X.  Important  is  his  new  '* Sylla- 
bus."   Cf.  Ecclesiastical  Decrees. 

VI.  Literature 
1.  Introductions  to  both  Testaments 

a)  Catholic: 

R.  CoRNELY,  Historica  et  Critica  Introductio  in  utriusqve  Testa- 

menti  Libros  Sacros,  Paris,  1894-97. 
F.  Kaulen,  Einleitung  in  die  hi.  Schriften  des  Alien  und  Neuen 

Testamenles,  Freiburg,  1911. 
ViGOUROUX,  Manuel  Biblique,  Paris,  1917. 
Trochon-Lesetre,  Introduction  d  I'Etude  de  VEcriture  Saints, 

Paris,  1889-90. 
GiGOT,  General  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  Holy  Scripture,  New 

York,  1904.     (O.  T.,  1903;  N.  T.,  1906.) 
Cellini,  Propaedeutica  Biblica,  Ripatransone,  1908-9. 
Pope,  The  Catholic  Student's  *'Aids"  to  the  Study  of  the  Bible,  New 

York,  1913-18. 
Janssens-Morandi,  Hermeneutica  Sacra,  Taurini,  1915. 
Grannan,  a  General  Introduction  to  the  Bible,  St.  Louis,  1921. 

b)  Non-Catholic: 

Briggs,  General  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  Holy  Scripture,  New 

York,  1899. 
Bleek,  Einleitung  in  das  A  lie  Testament,  Berlin,  1860. 
Bleek,  Einleitung  in  das  Neue  Testament,  Berlin,  1862. 
Davidson,  The  Canon  of  the  Bible,  London,  1880. 
Reuss,  Allgemeine  Einleitung,  1893. 
Barnes,  Companion  to  Biblical  Studies,  Cambridge  U.  Pr.,  1916. 

2.  Introductions  to  the  Old  Testament 

a)  Catholic: 
Martin,  Introduction  d  la  Critique  Genirale  de  VAncien  Testament, 

Paris,  1886-89. 
LoiSY,  Histoire  du  Canon  de  VAncien  Testament,  Paris,  1890. 
Z$CH0KKE,  Historia  Sacra  Antiqui  Testamenti,  Lipsiae,  1910, 


HISTORY  OF  BIBLICAL  INTRODUCTION     11 

Pelt,  Histoire  deVAncien  Testament,  1902.    (Transl.  from  Schop- 

per.) 
HuDAL,  Einleitung  in  die  hi.    Bucher    des    Alien    Testamentes, 

Graz,  1920. 
HoPFL,  Compendium  Introductionis  in  Sacros  F'^  T*  Libros,  1914. 

b)  Non-Catholic: 
KoNiG,  Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament,  Bonn,  1893. 
KoNiG,  Hermenetitik  des  Altcn  Testamentes,  etc.,  1916. 
McFadyen,  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament,  1905. 
Smith,  The  Old  Testament  in  the  Jewish  Church,  Edinburgh,  1892. 
Driver,  An  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament, 

Edinburgh,  1916. 
Gautier,  Introduction  d  VAncien  Testament,  Lausanne,  1906. 
Ehrlicu,  Randglossen  zur  hebrdischen  Bibel,  1908. 
Creelman,  An  Introductio?i  to  the  Old  Testament,  New  York,  1917. 

3.  Introductions  to  the  New  Testament 

a)  Catholic: 

J ACQUIER,  Histoire  des  Livres  du  Nouveau  Testament,  Paris,  1908-10. 

Jacquier,  Le  Nouveau  Testament  dans  VEglise  Chretienne,  Paris, 
1911-13. 

Jacquier,  Etudes  ds  Critique  ct  dc  Philologid  du  Nouveau  Testa- 
ment, Paris,  1920. 

Belser,  Eifileitung  in  das  Neue  Testament,  Freiburg,  1905. 

Schafer-Meinertz,  Einleitung  in  das  Neue  Testament,  Pader- 
born,  1913. 

Brassac,  The  Student's  Handbook  to  the  New  Testament,  St.  Louis, 
1913. 

b)  Non-Catholic: 

B.  Weiss,  Lehrbuch  der  Einleitung  in  das  Neue  Testament,  Berlin, 

1897. 
Bacon,  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,  New  York,  1900. 
Salmon,  Historical  hitroduction  to  the  Study  oj  the  New  Testament, 

London,  1S94. 
Zahn,  Einleitung  in  das  Neue  Testament,  Leipzig,  1906. 
Godet,  Introduction  an  Nouveau  Testament,  Neuchatel,  1904. 
Moffatt,  The  Historical  New  Testament,  Edinburgh,  1901. 
MoFFATT,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  New   Testament^ 

New  York.  1911. 


12      A  HANDBOOIC  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Nestle,  An  Introduction  to  the  Textual  Criticism  of  the  Greek  New 

Testament,  London,  1911. 
Gregory,  Einleitung  in  das  Neue  Testament,  Leipzig,  1909. 
Bartii,  Einleitung  in  das  Neue  Testament,  Giitersloh,  1908. 

4.  Collections 

Scripta  Institutl  Biblici,  Rome. 
Studia  Bihlica  et  Ecclesiastica,  Oxford. 
Texts  and  Studies,  Cambridge. 
Texte  und   Untersuchungen,  Leipzig. 
Harvard  Theological  Studies. 
Biblische  Studien,  Freiburg  i.  B. 
Alttestamentliche  AhKandlungen,  Munster. 
Neutestamentliche  Abhandlungen,  Munster. 
Bibl.  Zeitfragen,  Munster. 

5.  Periodicals 

Bihlica,  Biblical  Institute,  Rome. 

Verlum  Domini  (Commentarii  de  Re  Bihlica), Rome. 

Bihliotheca  Sacra,  Oberlin,  O. 

Princeton  Theological  Review,  Princeton,  N.  J. 

Harvard  Theological  Review,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Journal  of  Theological  Studies,  Oxford. 

The  Journal  of  Religion,  since  Jan.  1921,  continua- 
tion of  the  American  Journal  of  Theology, 
Chicago. 

The  Expositor,  London. 

The  Expository  Times,  Edinburgh. 

Journal  of  Biblical  Literature,  Boston,  Mass. 

Biblische  Zeitschrift,  Freiburg  i,  B. 

Revue  Biblique,  Paris. 

Zeitschrift fiir  Neutestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  Gies- 
sen. 


HISTORY  OF  BIBLICAL  INTRODUCTION     13 

Zeitschrift  fur  Alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft,  Gies- 
sen. 

Biblical  matters  are  also  treated  in :  The  Ecclesias- 
tical Review  and  in  The  Homiletic  and  Pastoral 
■Review. 

6.  Encyclopedias 

D'Al^s,  Dictionnaire  ApologStique  de  la  Foi  Catholique,  Paris. 
Hastings,  Encyclopedia  of  Religion  and  Ethics. 
Hastings,  Dictionary  of  the  Bible. 
Cheyne-Black,  Encyclopaedia  Biblica. 
ViGOUROUX,  Dictionnaire  de  la  Bible. 
Hastings,  Index  to  the  Great  Texts  oj  the  Bible. 
Jacobus-Nourse-Zenos,  a  Standard  Bible  Dictionary. 
Vacant,  Dictionnaire  de  Theologie  Catholique. 


CHAPTER  II 
HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT 
A.    The  Text  of  the  New  Testament 

LITERATURE 

F.  G.  Kenyon,  Handbook  to  the  Textual  Criticism  of  the  N.  T,, 

London,  1912. 
F.  G.  Kenyon,  Our  Bible  and  the  Ancient  Manuscripts,  1895. 
C.  E.   Hammond,  Outlines  of  Textual  Criticism  Applied  to  the 

N.  T,  Oxford,  1902. 
C.  R.  Gregory,  Textkritik  des  Neuen  Testamentes,  3  vols.,  Leipzig, 

1909. 
C.  R.  Gregory,  Canon  and  Text  of  the  N.  T.,  New  York,  1907. 
E.  Nestle,  An  Introduction  to  the  Textual  Criticism  of  the  Greek 

New  Testament,  London,  1911. 
Scrivener,  A  Plain  Introduction  to  the  Criticism  of  the  N.  T.,  2 

vols.,  London,  1894. 
H.  V.  SoDEN,  Die  Schriften  des  Neuen  Testamentes  in  ihrer  dltesten 

erreichbaren  Textgestalt,  Berlin-Gottingen,  1902-13. 
Goodspeed,  Greek  Gospel  Texts  in  America,  Chicago,  1918. 

I.  General  Considerations 

1.  No  autographs  of  the  N.  T.  writers  are  preserved,  not 
even  amongst  the  papyri,  although  some  of  the  re- 
cently discovered  papyri  are  much  older  than  Chris- 
tianity itself. 

Tertullian  (Praescr.,  36)  mentions  Thessalonica  as  the  town  where 
"ipsae  authenticae  literae"  of  St.  Paul  were  still  preserved. — The 
alleged  autographs  of  St.  Mark  in  Venice  and  Prague  belong  to 
the  realm  of  legends. 

Of.  J.  R.  Harris,  New  Testament  Autographs,  Baltimore,  1882. 

14 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  15 

2.  The  sources  of  the  N.  T.  text  are: 

a)  The  Greek  Manuscripts; 

b)  the  Versions; 

c)  the  Liturgical  Books; 

d)  the  Patristic  Quotations. 

11.  The  Greek  Manuscripts 

LITERATURE 

F.  G.  Kenyon,  Our  Bible  and  the  Ancient  Manuscripts,  London, 

1895. 
C.  F.  Sitterly,  Praxis  in  Manuscripts  of  the  Greek  Testament,  New 

York,  1898. 
W.  A.  Copinger,  The  Bible  and  Its  Transmission,  London,  1897. 
Thompson,  Handbook  cj  Greek  and  Latin  Palaeography,  London, 

1891. 

A.    The  History  of  the  Manuscripts 

1.  The  Uncials  or  Majuscules  (abbreviation:  MS., 
plural  MSS.)  represent  the  oldest  form  of  the  text. 
They  are  written  in  the  *'scriptio  continua^  (no  sepa- 
ration of  words)  employing  only  capital  letters  (literae 
capitales,  maiusculae,  unciales)  without  accents  and 
punctuation.  Well-known  words  are  abbreviated ^ 
likeGC  =  (dzhq,  IC  ='lY)(jouq. 

2.  The  Minuscules  (abbreviation:  ms.,  plural  mss.) 
represent  the  later  form.  They  are  written  in  the 
cursive  style  of  ordinary  daily  life,  with  small  letters 
{literae  minusculae)  which  replaced  the  uncials  in  the 
9th  century.  They  introduce  the  accents,  breath- 
ings, separation  of  words,  punctuation,  and  an  elab- 
orate system  of  abbreviations. 

3.  Number.  Of  no  literary  work  of  antiquity  are  as 
many  manuscripts  preserved  as  of  the  N.  T.  Gregory 


16      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

counts  2463, 161  of  which  are  majuscules,  2288  minus- 
cules and  14  papyri.  The  Lectionaries  (about  1540) 
are  not  included.  The  number  is  increasing  every 
year  through  new  discoveries.  Cf.  Sitterly,  Praxis 
in  Manuscripts y  etc. 

4.  Age.  Most  of  the  manuscripts  are  undated.  Their 
age  must  be  determined  by  paleography.  The 
earliest  copies  are  from  the  IVth  and  Vth  centuries. 
The  majority  were  written  between  the  Xllth  and 
XlVth  centimes. 

5.  Writing  Material 

a)  Papyrus.  The  oldest  material  which  was  used  by 
the  N.  T.  writers  is  papyrus.  As  this  material  is 
very  perishable,  only  a  few  recently  discovered 
N.  T.  fragments  written  on  papyrus  have  been 
preserved.  Gregory  counts  14  N.  T.  papyrus  frag- 
ments. 

Cf.  G.  Ebers,  The  Writing  Material  of  Antiquity,  in  the  Cosmopoli- 
tan Magazine,  New  York,  Nov.,  1893. 
Kenyon,  ''Papyri,"  Dictionary  of  the  Bible. 

b)  Ostraca.    Fragments  of  the  Gospel  were  recently 

discovered  on  potsherds  of  clay,  called   ostraca. 

These  were  the  writing  material  of  the  poor. 

Cf.  G.  Lefebvre,  Fragments  Grecs  des  Evangiles  sur  Ostraca^ 
Le  Caire,  1904. — A.  Deissmann,  Light  from  the  Ancient  East, 
London,  1910. 

c)  Parchment.  At  a  very  early  date  the  Biblical 
text  was  written  on  parchment  (made  of  the  skin 
of  sheep,  goats,  asses).  It  superseded  papyrus 
and  marks  the  introduction  of  the  book  form. 

Cf.  W.  LoRiNG,  Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies,  1890. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  17 

d)  Paper  was  in  use  as  early  as  the  Vlllth  and  DCth 

centuries,  and  has  supplanted  parchment  entirely 

since  the  Xlllth  century. 

Cf.  J.  R.  Harris,  The  Origin  of  the  Leicester  Codex  of  the  N.  T., 
1887. 

6.  Mode  of  Writing.  The  Biblical  codices  are  mostly 
written  in  columns  (2-4)  for  convenience'  sake.  The 
column  consists  of  lines  (azixoi),  either  "space-lines'* 
or  "sense-lines"  of  about  14-16  syllables  each. 

^.  7.  Decoration  and  Illustration.  Some  codices  are  rich- 
ly ornamented,  being  in  part  written  in  letters  of  gold 
or  silver  on  purple,  and  the  initials  illuminated.  At 
a  later  date  we  find  pictures  and  illustrations. 

8.  Palimpsests  or  Codices  rescripti.  Some  parchment 
MSS.  were  used  twice.  The  original  writing  having 
been  erased,  another  text,  in  the  same  or  in  a  different 
language,  was  put  in  its  place.  Hence  ''codices 
rescripti''  or  (Greek)  "palimpsests." 

9.  Punctuation  was  not  employed  in  the  old  majuscules, 
hence  interrogative  and  predicative  sentences  often 
cannot  be  distinguished.  But  quotation  marks 
were  known  and  are  found  already  in  B  =  Vaticanus. 

10.  Polyglots.  Various  MSS.  contain  the  text  in  two 
languages:  Greek-Latin,  or  Greek-Coptic,  or  Greek- 
Armenian,  in  parallel  columns.  Sometimes  the 
translation  was  inserted  between  the  lines  (inter- 
linear versions). 

11.  Designation  of  the  MSS. 

a)  Since  Wettstein  (1754)  the  majuscules  are  desig- 
nated by  the  capital  letters  of  the  Latin  alphabet, 


18      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

or,  this  not  being  sufficient,  of  the  Greek  and  even 
Hebrew  alphabets:  ABC  etc.,  P,  A,  etc.,  ^<  ^, 
etc.  The  minuscules  are  denoted  by  numerals: 
1,  2,  3,  etc.  But  this  system  does  not  indicate 
the  age  or  contents  of  a  MS. 

b)  Therefore  H.  v.  Soden  devised  a  system  whereby 
the  designation  informs  at  a  glance  of  the  essen- 
tial details  of  a  MS.  His  main  principle  is  the 
division  of  all  MSS.  according  to  their  contents: 
8=B(a0Y]XTQ  (the  whole  N.  T.)  e=eijaYYlXtov, 
{z=ax6(jToXo?.  The  added  number  denotes  the  age. 
His  system,  briefly  indicated,  is  as  follows: 

el —     e99  =  Gospel    cod.     up   to    the    IXth 

century. 
81—     B49  =  N.    T.    cod.    up    to    the    IXth 

century. 
al —    a49  =  Apostolus    cod.    to    the     IXth 
century. 
elOOO— £1099  =  Gospel  cod.  of  the  Xth  century. 
850—     899  =  N.  T.  cod.  of  the  Xth  century. 
a50 —    a99  =  Apostolus  cod.  of  the  Xth  century. 
elOO—  el99  =  Gospel  cod.  of  the  Xlth  century. 
8100—  8149  =  N.  T.  cod.  of  the  Xlth  century. 
alOO—  al49  =  Apostolus  cod,  of  the  Xlth  cen- 
tury, etc. 

c)  This  system  appears  to  be  too  cumbersome  to  be 
practical.  Dr.  Gregory,  after  having  consulted  a 
great  number  of  Biblical  scholars  throughout  the 
world,  simplified  it  thus : 

a)  the  majuscules  are  denoted  by  numerals  with  a 
prefixed  0  {e.g.,  01,  02,  03,  etc.);  or  the  old  tra- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         19 

ditional  designation  by  capital  letters  may  be 

retained  at  least  for  the  principal  majuscules  K, 

B,  A,  C,  D,  etc. 
P)  the  minuscules  by  the  simple  numerals  (1,  2,  3, 

etc.) 
y)  the  Lectionaries  (cf.  P.  47,  IV,  2)   are  marked 

with  /  if  nothing  but  a  Gospel-text  is  contained, 

by  /+''  if  also  the  "Apostolus" ;  by  l""  if  only  the 

"Apostolus"    is   given.     ("Apostolus"    signifies 

sections  of  the  Epistles.) 
8)  the  papyri  (only  a  few  with  Gospel  fragments 

have  been  discovered  so  far)  are  marked  by  P^, 

P2,  P3,  etc.,  to  Pi4. 

12.  Systems  of  Division  of  the  Text. 

The  ordinary  "space-line"  is  called  Qiixoq  (about  36 
letters) . 

a)  For  GTfxot  with  the  meaning  of  "sense-lines" 
the  term  "colon"  was  used.  A  "colometry"  in 
connection  with  a  division  into  "lessons"  (avayvw- 
a£tq)forthe  Acts,  Pauline  Epistles  and  Catholic 
Epistles  was  introduced  by  Euthalius  of  Sulce 
(Vllth  cent.)  It  is  based  on  a  similar  work  of 
Evagrius  Ponticus  (IVth  cent.)  The  few  pre- 
served codices  {e.g.,  H^,  88,  307,  635,  etc.)  bearing 
this  division  are  important  in  determining  the  so- 
called  ''Recension  of  Euthalius,^'  which  claims  to  be 
collated  with  the  autographic  text  of  Pamphilus 
of  Caesar ea  ( + 309) . 

Cf.  J.  A.  Robinson,  Eutheliana  {Texts  and  Studies).    Cambridge, 
1895. 

b)  The  so-called  ''Ammonian  Sections"  (by  Ammo- 


20      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

nius,a  contemporary  of  Origen)  presented  a  synop- 
sis of  the  four  Gospels  with  Matthew  as  basis  and 
the  coincident  accounts  of  the  other  Gospels  in 
parallel  columns.  This  method,  however,  labored 
under  the  disadvantage  of  dissecting  the  Gospels. 

c)  Very  important  are  the  Canones  of  Eusebius.  He 
distinguishes  in  the  entire  Gospel  1162  sections  and 
divides  them  into  10  classes  or  ''canones.'" 

Canon  T.    The  concordant  accounts  of  all  four 

Gospels. 
Canons  11. -IV.    The  ditto  accounts  of  three  Gos- 
pels. 
Canons  V.-IX.    The  ditto  accounts  of  two  Gos- 
pels. 
Canon  X.     The  accounts  narrated  in  one  Gospel 
only. 
By  marking  the  different  sections  of  each  Gospel 
with  the  respective  "Canon"  on  the  margin,  the 
parallel  sections  in  the  other  Gospels  were  easily 
found.     The  "Canones  Eusebiani"  are  given  in 
Nestle's   Novum  Testamentum  Graece  et  Latine, 
Stuttgart,  1912.     They  are  used  in  Codex  J<. 

d)  Another  method  of  division  are  the  TfT^o:  or 
TtecpaXaca  (e.g.,  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  is  en- 
titled xepl  Twv  ^axaptapLwv),  a  list  of  which  used 
to  be  prefixed  to  the  book.  Thus  in  Codex  A  = 
Alexandrinus. 

e)  This  division  into  chapters  found  in  many  Greek 
MSS.  was  replaced  by  that  of  Stephen  Langton 

+(1228),  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  It  was  em- 
ployed first  in  Latin  MSS.,  later  in  Bible  prints  and 
is  still  in  use. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  21 

f)  The  division  into  verses  was  for  the  first  time  intro- 
duced into  the  printed  Greek  Bible  by  Robert 
Stephanus  in  his  4th  edition  of  the  N.  T.  (1551)  and 
substantially  retained  in  subsequent  editions. 

13.  Contents.     The  individual  manuscripts  seldom  con- 
tain the  whole  N.  T. 

a)  Only  one  majuscule  (X  =  Sinaiticus)  embraces  all 
N.  T.  books.  Other  majliscules  were  once  com- 
plete, but  suffered  mutilation  in  the  course  of  time 
(as  A  =  Alexandrinus,  B  =  Vaticanus,  C  =  Codex 
Ephraemi) . 

b)  Of  the  minuscules  only  about  25  contain  the  entire 
N.  T. 

c)  The  majority  represent  only  parts  of  the  N.  T.,  as 
the  Gospels,  or  the  Acts,  etc.,  which  is  explained 
by  the  fact  that  the  single  parts  of  the  N.  T.  were 
originally  circulated  separately. 

14.  Corruption  of  the  Text.    This  is  to  be  blamed  on  the 
copyists.     We  distinguish . 

a)  Unintentional  errors  (errors  of  sight,  hearing,  or 
memory;  hence  dittographies,  itacisms,  omissions 
because  of  an  homoioteleuton) . 

b)  Intentional  errors  (incorporation  of  marginal 
glosses,  correction  of  unusual  words,  harmoniza- 
tion with  parallel  texts,  liturgical  additions  or 
omissions,  etc.). 

Cf.  Hammond,  Outlines  of  Textual  Criticism. 

15.  Correction  of  the  Text.     As  a  consequence  many 
manuscripts  were  corrected  by  a  later  hand.     This  is 

^^  marked  in  the  critical  apparatus  by  an  exponent, 
e.g.  t<i,  H'^y  or  ^^,  ^<^,  etc.,  whereas  the  original  is 
marked  by  an  asterisk,  t<  *,  etc. 


22      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

B.    Single  MSS.    Majuscules 

The  new  designations  of  Gregory  and  v.  Soden  are  given  in  brackets. 
The  exponent   e  means   "Evangelia";    a  =  Actus;    p  =  Pauline 
Epistles;  t=  revelation. 

K  =  Cod.  Sinaiticus  (  =  01  =  S2)  IVth-Vth  cent.,  discov- 
ered by  Tischendorf ,  1859,  on  Mount  Sinai,  now  in 
Petrograd,  contains  the  whole  N.  T.  and  a  great 

part  of  the  O.  T.. 
A  recent  reproduction  of  the  N.  T.  was  published  by  Kirsopp 
Lake,  Codex  Sinaiticus  Petropolitanus;  The  New  Testament,  the 
Epistle  of  Barnabas,  and  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas.     Now  repro- 
duced in  Facsimile,  Oxford,  1911. 

A=Cod.  Alexandrinus  ( =  02  =  B4)  Vth  cent.,  since  1753 
in  the  British  Museum.     Written  in  Egypt,  con- 
taining the  O.  T.  and  N.  T.,  but  incomplete. 
A  new  edition  of  the  N.  T.  has  been  superintended  by  Ken  yon: 
The  Codex  Alexandrinus  in  Reduced  Photographic  Facsimile,  New 
Testament  and  Clementine  Epistles,  London,  1909. 

B  =  Cod.  Vaticanus  ( =  03  =  B 1 )  I  Vth  cent . ,  in  the  Vatican 
Library  in  Rome,  contains  the  0.  T.  and  N.  T., 
except  I  and  II  Timothy,  Titus,  Philemon,  a  part 
of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  the  Apocalypse. 
A  corrector  of  the  Xth  or  Xlth  century  added  ac- 
cents and  breathings. 
By  order  of  Pius  IX  this  MS.  was  reedited.  Amongst  the  Codices  e 
Vaticanis  Selecti  Vol.  IV  contains  the  "Testamentum  novum*' 
(1904). 

C  =  Cod.  Ephraemi  ( =  04  =  B3)  Vth  cent . ,  in  the  Nation- 
al Gallery  at  Paris,  originally  comprised  the  whole 
Bible,  but  is  now  incomplete.  It  is  a  palimpsest. 
The  overlying  text  consists  of  Greek  works  of  St. 
Ephrem. 
Ed.  by  Tischendorf:  Codex  Ephraemi  Syri  Rescriptus  sive  Frag- 
menta  Novi  Testamenti,  Leipzig,  1843. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  23 

D®*=Cod.  Bezae  Cantabrigiensis  (  =  05  =  55)  Vth-VIth 
cent.,  a  Greek-Latin  MS.  of  the  Gospels  and  the 
Acts,  now  in  the  Cambridge  University  Library, 
once  belonged   to   Theodore  Beza.     Perhaps   the 

•      most  important  Cod.  of  the  N.  T.;  it  shows  start- 
ling deviations  from  all  the  other  MSS.,  especially 
in  Luke  and  the  Acts.     It  was  written  stichometri- 
cally,  probably  in  southern  Gaul. 
Edition:  Codex  Bezae  Cantabrigiensis  quattuor  Evangelia  et  Actus 

Apostolorum    complectens   Graece    et   Latins,    etc.,    Cambridge, 

1899. 

DP  =  Cod.  Claromontanus  (  =  06  =  al026)  Vlth  cent., 
a  Graeco-Latin  MS.  of  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  in 
the  National  Library  in  Paris;  written  stichometri- 
cally.  Between  the  Epistle  to  Philemon  and  to  the 
Hebrews  is  found  the  famous  Canon  Claromontanus, 
a  list  of  the  books  of  the  Bible.     Cf .  Canon. 

Ed.  TisCHENDORF,  Codex  Claromontanus  sive  Epistolae  Pauli 
omnes  Graece  et  Latine  ex  Codice  Parisiano  Celeberrimo,  etc., 
Leipzig,  1852. 

E®  =  Cod.  Basiliensis  (  =  07  =£55)  Vlllth  cent.,  in  the 
University  Library,  Basle. 

E^  =  Cod.  Laudianus  (  =  08  =  al001)  Vlth  cent.,  in  the 
Bodleyan  Library,  Oxford.  A  Graeco-Latin  MS., 
written  stichometrically.  It  may  have  been  used 
by  the  Venerable  Bede. 

Ed.  TiscHENDORF,  Monumcnta  Sacra  Inedita,  Vol.  IX,  Leipzig, 
1870. 

F®  =  Cod.  Boreelianus  (  =  09  =  £86)  IXth  cent.,  a  muti- 
lated Gospel  MS.,  in  the  Public  Library  at  Utrecht. 


24      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

FP  =  Cod.  Augiensis  (  =  010  =  al029)  IXth  cent.,  in  the 
Library  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge.  A  Graeco- 
Latin  MS.  of  the  Pauline  Epistles. 

Ed.  Scrivener,  An  Exact  Transcript  of  the  Codex  Augiensis, 
Cambridge,  1859. 

G®  =  Co(i.  Seidelianus  I.  (  =  011  =  £87)Xth  cent.,  in  the 
British  Museum  as  Cod.  Harleianus.  A  mutilated 
Gospel  MS. 

GP  =  Cod.  Boeraerianus  (  =  012  =  al028)  IXth  cent.,  in 

the  Royal  Library,  Dresden.     A  mutilated  Graeco- 

Latin  MS.  of  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  the  Latin 

being  interlinear. 

Ed.    P.    CoRSSEN,    Epistularum   Paulinarum    Codices   Graece   et 

Latine    Scriptos    Augiensem,     Boernerianum,     Claromontanum 

examinavit,  etc.,  1887-89. 

H®  =  Cod.  Seidelianus  IL  (  =  013  =  £88)  IXth  cent.,  a 
mutilated  Gospel  MS.,  in  the  Public  Library,  Ham- 
burg. 

HP  =  Cod.Euthalianus  (  =  015  =  al022)  Vlth  cent.,  one  of 
the  most  important  MSS.  for  the  Pauline  Epistles. 
The  41  leaves  are  scattered  over  7  different  libraries. 
It  is  written,  as  the  subscription  affirms,  sticho- 
metrically,  by  Euthalius,  and  corrected  according 
to  the  autograph  of  Pamphilus  in  the  Library  of 
Caesar  ea. 

Ed.  K.  Lake,  Facsimiles  of  the  Athos  Fragments  of  Codex  H  of  the 
Pauline  Epistles,  Oxford,  1905. 

I=(  =  016,  not  yet  in  v.  Soden)  Vth  cent.,  in  Detroit. 
The  4th  of  the  MSS.  acquired  (1907)  by  Charles 
Freer  from  the  Schenute  Monastery,  with  fragments 
of  the  Pauline  Epistles. 
Cf.  C.  R.  Gregory,  Das  Freer-Logion,  Leipzig,  1908. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  25 

K®  =  Cod.  Cyprius  (=017  =£71)  IXth  cent.,  in  the  Nation- 
al Library  in  Paris ;  with  the  four  Gospels  complete. 
K^P  =  Cod.  Mosquensis  (  =  018  =  Axpi)  IXth  cent.,  in  the 
Library  of  the  Holy  Synod,   Moscow,   with  the 
Pauline  and  Catholic  Epistles. 
L®  =  Cod.   Regius   (  =  019  =  856)    Vlllth  cent.,  in   the 
National  Library  in  Paris,  of  special  value  for  its 
double  ending  of  St.  Mark's  Gospel. 
Cf.  TiscHENDORF,  Monumeuta  Sacra  Inedita,  1846. 

L^P  =  Cod.  Angelicus  (  =  020  =  a5)  IXth  cent.,  in  the  An- 
gelica Library  in  Rome. 

M  =  Cod.  Campianus  (  =  021  =  ^72)  IXth  cent.,  in  the 
National  Library,  Paris;  one  of  the  carhest  MSS., 
besides  D,  with  the  pericope  adulterae,  John  VII. 
53  ff. 

N  =  Cod.  Purpureus  (  =  022  =  £l9)  Vlth  cent.,  now  in 
Petrograd.  Fragments  of  all  the  Gospels.  A  beau- 
tiful MS.,  the  letters  being  in  silver  upon  purple 
vellum,  the  sacred  names  in  gold. 

Ed.  Cronin,  Codex  Purpureus  Petropolitanus,  1899; 

TiscHENDORF   Mofiumenta  Sacra  inedita. 

O  =  Fragments  of  a  Purple  MS.  ( =  023  =  £2 1 ,  formerly 

n)  Vlth  cent.     In  Paris. 
Cf.  H.  Cronin,  Codex  Chrysopurpureus,  Journal  of  TheoL  Studies, 
II,  590  f.,  1901. 

P®  =  Cod.  Guelpherbytanus  I.  (  =  024  =  £33)  Vlth  cent., 
a  palimpsest  at  Wolfenbiittel  with  Gospel  frag- 
ments. 
P^P^=Cod.  Porphyrianus  (  =  025  =  a3)  IXth  cent.,  a 
palimpsest  at  Petrograd,  containing  the  Acts,  the 
Catholic  and  Pauline  Epistles ,  and  the  Apocalypse . 


26      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Q  =  Cod.  Guelpherbytanus  II.  (  =  026  =  £4)  Vth  cent., 
bound  in  one  volume  with  P^,  containing  frag- 
ments of  Luke  and  John. 

R  =  Cod.  Nitriensis  (=027  =£22)  Vlth  cent.,  a  palimpsest 
in  the  British  Museum. 

S  =  Cod.  Vaticanus  3^4  (  =  028  =  £1027)  Xth  cent.,  in 
the  Vatican  Library.  One  of  the  earUest  MSS.  with 
the  exact  date  (6  o'clock,  Thursday,  March  1,  949). 

T  =  Cod.  Borgianus  (  =  029  =  £5)  Vth  .ent.,  in  the  Li- 
brary of  the  Propaganda;  a  Graeco-Sahidic  MS.  of 
Luke  and  John. 

U  =  Cod.Nanianus  (  =  030  =  £90)  IXth-Xthcent.,  in  the 
Library  of  St.  Mark's,  Venice.  It  contains  the  four 
Gospels  complete. 

V  =  Cod.  Mosquensis  (  =  031  =  £75)  IXth  cent.,  in  the 
Library  of  the  Holy  Synod,  Moscow. 

W=Cod.  Washingtoniensis  (  =  032  =  £014)  IVth-VIth 
cent.,  in  Detroit,  Michigan,  discovered  and  ac- 
quired 1906  by  C.  L.  Freer.  Important  because 
of  its  peculiar  ending  of  Mark. 

Ed.  H.  A.  Sanders,  The  Washington  Manuscript  of  the  Four 
Gospels.  Part  7,  The  New  Testament  Manuscript  in  the  Freer 
Collection,  New  York,  1912.  Part  II,  The  Epistles  and  Paul, 
1918. 

X  =  Cod.  Monacensis  (  =  033  =  A^)  IXth-Xth  cent.,  in 
Munich;  the  Gospels  with  a  Commentary. 

Y=Cod.  Macedoniensis  (  =  034  =  £073)  IXth  cent.,  in 

London. 
Cf.  W.  C.  Braithwaite,  A  New  Uncial  of  the  Gospels,  Expository 
Times  XIII  (1901),  114-117. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  27 

Z  =  Co(i.  Dublinensis  Rescriptus  (  =  035  =  e26)  Vth- 
Vlth  cent.,  a  palimpsest  in  the  Library  of  Trinity 
College,  Dublin. 

Codices  with  Greek  Designation 

r  =Co(i.  TischendorfianusIV.  (  =  036  =  £70)  IXth-Xth 
cent.,  containing  the  Gospels;  partly  at  Oxford, 
partly  at  Petrograd. 

A  =Cod.  Sangallensis(  =  037  =  £76)  IXth-Xth  cent.,  in 
the  monastery  of  St.  Gall.  A  Graeco-Latin  MS.  of 
the  four  Gospels,  the  Latin  translation  being  inter- 
linear. 

0  =Cod.  Keridethianus  (=038=£050)  Vllth-IXth  cent. 

Similar  to  D. 

Ed.    Beermann-Gregory,    Die    Keridethi-Evangelien,    Leipzig, 
1913. 

A  =Cod.  Oxiensis  (  =  039  =  £77)  IXth  cent.,  at  Oxford. 

E  =Cod.  Zacynthius  (  =  040  =  Ai)  Vlllth  cent.,  a 
palimpsest  of  Zante;  the  oldest  MS.  with  a  com- 
mentary, at  London. 

n  =  Cod.  Petropolitanus  (  =  041  =£73)  IXth  cent.,  at 
Petrograd. 

S  =Cod.  Rossanensis  (  =  042  =  £l8)  Vlth  cent.,  at 
Rossano.  Discovered  by  Gebhardt  and  Hamack. 
The  earliest  MS.  adorned  with  miniatures  in  water- 
color. 

^  =Cod.  Beratinus  (  =  043  =  £l7)  Vlth  cent.,  a  palimp- 
sest at  Berat. 

T  =  Cod.    Athous    Laurae     (  =  044  =  66)    Vlllth-IXth 

cent.,  at  Athos. 


28      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Q  =Cod.  Athous  Dionysii  (  =  045  =  661)  Vlllth  cent., 
with  pictures. 

The   designation    of   Codices  by  letters  of  the 
Hebrew    alphabet    has    now    been    displaced    by 
Gregory's  system  of  numerals. 
:ii  =  047  (£95);::2  =  o48  (al);etc. 

The  list  of  majuscules  is  carried  by  Gregory  to 
0161,  including  also  the  ostraca  fragments  of  the 
N.  T.  (0152,  0153  etc.). 

cr^      C.    Papyri 

Gregory  counts  14,  e.g., 

Pi,  Illth-IVth  cent.  At  the  University  Museimi,  Phila- 
delphia, containing  Matt.  I.  1-9,  12  f.,  14-20.  The 
oldest  papyrus  of  the  N.  T.  known. 

P2,  Vlth  cent.  At  Florence.  JohnXH.  12-15,  Greek; 
LukeVn.  ISff.  Sahidic. 

Cf.  Charles  Wessely,  Les Plus  Anciens  Monuments du  Christian- 
isme  Ecrits  sur  Papyrus,  Textes  Grecs,  etc.,  Paris,  1907.  And 
the  standard  work  of  U.  Wilken,  A  rchiv  fiir  Papyrusforschung, 
Leipzig,  1900  ff. 

D.    Minuscules 

Formerly  more  or  less  neglected,  their  true  value  has 
been  given  due  prominence  through  the  works  of  Tregelles, 
Burgofij  Ferrar,  Hoskier,  Scrivener,  Gregory,  and  esp.  v. 
Soden. 

The  majority  are  written  on  parchment : 

1   (for  the  whole  N.  T.)  ( =  B254)  XHth  cent.,  at  Basle. 

1  (for  the  Apoc.)  (  =  Av20)  a  paper  MS.  of  Erasmus. 

2  (for  the  Gospel)  (  =  el214)  XHth  cent.,  at  Basle. 

2  (for  the  Acts  and  Epistles)  (  =  a253)   XUth  cent.,  at 
Basle. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  29 

3  (  =  B253)  Xllth  cent.,  at  Vienna,  a  MS.  used  by  Eras- 
mus. 

4-41  are  at  Paris. 

Ferrar-Group :  Worthy  of  special  notice  is  13  (e368), 
belonging  to  the  so-called  Ferrar-group,  assembled  by 
Ferrar  and  including  13,  69,  124,  346.  Some  others, 
543,  713,  788,  826,  828,  etc.,  added  later,  are  members 
of  the  same  family,  where  (a)  Luke  XXII,  43-44  is 
placed  after  Matt.  XX,  39.  (b)  John  VII,  53-VIII,  1 
after  Luke  XXI,  38. 

Cf.  W.  H.  Ferrar,  A  Collection  of  Four  Important  MSS.  of  the 
Gospels,  Dublin,  1877. 

Another  group  is  formed  by  47,  54,  56,  58,  61,  109, 
171,  780. 

A  further  family  is  represented  by  74,  90,  234,  412,  483, 
484,  856,  written  by  Theodore  of  Hagiopetros. 

61  (=5603),  at  Dublin,  is  the  famous  "Montfortianus," 
which  induced  Erasmus  to  admit  the  **Comma 
Joanneum**  (I  John  V.  7-8)  into  his  3d  edition,  1522. 

700  (  =  £133)  is  a  remarkable  MS.,  departing  in  no  less 
than  2724  instances  from  the  textus  receptus  and  pre- 
senting 270  readings  which  are  not  found  in  any 
other  MS.  In  Luke  XI.  2  we  find  the  surprising  text: 
(('EXOsTO)  ih  oi-{io)f  xveupia  aou  i?'  ri[Ldiq  %a\  xaSap- 
laaTO  if)^ac;.» 

Gregory's  list  runs  to  2288,  of  which  49  contain  the 
whole  N.  T. 

in.  The  Versions 

LITERATURE 

L.  J.  M.  Bebb,  The  Evidence  of  the  Early  Versions  and  Patristic 
Quotations  on  the  Text  of  the  Books  of  the  New  Testament,  Oxford, 
1890. 


30      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

F.  C.  BuRKiTT,  Text  and  Versions,  in  the  Encyclopaedia  Biblica. 
H.  A.  A.  Kennedy,  in  the  "Dictionary  of  the  Bible." 

General — The  Versions  are  translations  from  the  Greek 
original  into  other  languages  of  early  times.  They  are  of 
inestimable  value  as  indirect  witnesses  to  the  original, 
whenever  they  give  an  ancient  and  exact  rendering. 
There  is  respectable  evidence  that  the  earliest  Latin, 
Syriac,  and  perhaps  even  Egyptian  versions  were  pro- 
duced no  later  than  the  2nd  century. 

We  distinguish:  1.  the  Latin,  2.  the  Syriac,  3.  the 
Coptic,  4.  the  Ethiopic,  5.  the  Armenian,  6.  the  Geor- 
gian, 7.  the  Arabic,  8.  the  Persian,  9.  the  Gothic  version, 
and  10.  the  English  version.  "* 

1.  The  Latin  Version 
Here  again  we  note  the  Itala  and  the  Vulgate. 
A.  The  Itala  =  Pre-Hieronymian  =  Old  Latin  Version 

GENERAL    LITERATURE 

C.  BuRKiTT,  The  Old  Latin  and  the  Itala,  Texts  and  Studies,  IV, 

3,  1896. 
H.  A.   Kennedy,    The  Old  Latin    Versions  and   Westcott-Hort's 

Theory  of  the  Traditional  Text  of  the  N.  T.,  Expository  Times,  X, 

187. 
V.  Soden,  Die  Schriften  des  N.  T.,  §356-61. 

LINGUISTIC    literature 

Herm.  Ronsch,  Itala  und  Vulgata,  Marburg,  1875. 

texts 
Petrus  Sabatier,  Bibliorum  Sacrorum Latinae  Versiones  Antiquae, 

3  vols.,  Reims,  1743-49.     (Still  the  standard  work.) 
J.  Wordsworth-White,  Old  Latin  Biblical  Texts,  Oxford,  1883  f. 
Hans  v.  Soden,  Das  lateinische  Neue  Testament  in  Afrika  zur  Zeit 

Cyprians,  Leipzig,  1909. 
A  new  work  by  J.  Denk  is  in  preparation. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         31 

1.  There  existed  as  early  as  the  2nd  and  3d  century  a 
Latin  translation  of  the  Bible.     Traces  are  found 
in  the  first  Epistle  of  Clement,  Barnabas,  Hermas, 
Irenaeus.     Augustine  complains  of  the  innumer- 
able and  bad  Latin  translations  of  the  Bible  at 
his  time  and  recommends  the  Itala  as  the  best: 
"Itala  CETERIS  praeferatur"  (De  Doctr.  Christ., 
II.  15,  22).     Owing  to  this  statement,  all  versions  )  ^ 
before  St.  Jerome  are  also  called  ^' Itala,'"  in  con-    >  \ 
tradistinction   to   the  revision   of  the  Bible  by   < 
Jerome,  called  the  Vulgate. 
The  most  important  Codices  are: 

a)  for  the  Gospels : 

Cod.  Palatinus  =  e       Cod.  Curiensis  =  a^ 
Cod.  Bobiensis  =  k      Cod.  Usserianus  I  =  r  i 
Cod.  Vercellensis  =  a  Cod.  Usserianus  II  =  r^ 
Cod.  Veronensis  =  b    Speculum  Ps.  Aug.  =  m 
Cod.  Colbertinus  =  c    Cod.  Rehdigeranus  =  I 
Cod.Bezae  =  d  Cod.  Vindobonensis  =  i 

Cod.  Corbeianus=ff2  Cod.  Claromontanus=h 
Cod.  Brixianus  =  f       Cod.  Sangermanensis  I  =  g^ 
Cod.  Monacensis  =  q  Cod.  Sangermanensis  II=g2 

b)  for  the  Acts : 

Cod.  d  =  the  Latin  text  of  D  =  Cod.  Bezae 
Cod.  e  =  the  Latin  text  of  E  =  Cod.  Laudianus 
Cod.  g  =  Gigas  holmiensis 

c)  for  PauPs  Epistles : 

d  =  the  Latin  of  D^  =  Claromontanus. 
c,  f,  g  =  the  Latin  of  E,  F,  G. 

d)  for  the  Catholic  Epistles  and  Apocalypse: 
m  =  (speculum). 

h=Cod.  Floriacensis. 


32      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

As  the  research  work  is  not  yet  concluded,  we  may  still 
distinguish  three  different  groups,  although  in  all  prob- 
ability a  larger  nuraber  of  textual  types  is  tobe  accepted : 
aa)  The  African  Version,  accords  with  the  Bibli- 
cal quotations  of  Cyprian,  Amobius,  Opta- 
tus,  etc.; 
bb)  The  European  Version,  which  may  or  may 
not  be  an  amended  edition  of  the  African 
text; 
cc)   The  Italian  Version,  supposed  to  be  a  revision 
of  the  European  text,  reflected  by  the  quota- 
tions of  Augustine. 
Hence  the>  triple  group  is  more  correctly  summa- 
rized under  the  title  '' Pre- Hieronymian''  or  ''Old 
Latin  text''  than  by  "Itala." 
2.  Important  "Itala"  Codd. 

a)  for  the  African  Version: 

Cod.  e  =  Palatinus,  Vth  cent.  A  Gospel  Cod. 
Ed.  Belsheim,  Ev.  PalaL,  Christiania,  1896. 

Cod.  k  =  Bobiensis,  Vth-VIth  cent.  A  Gospel  Cod. 
Ed.  J.  Wordsworth,  Old  Latin  Biblical  Texts,  No.  2,  Oxford,  1886. 

Cod.  h^  =  Floriacensis,  VHth  cent.,  a  palimpsest  in 
Paris. 
(For  Acts,  Apoc,  I.  and  II.  Pet.,  I.  John.) 

b)  for  the  European  Versions : 

Cod.  a  =  Vercellensis,  I  Vth  cent.    A  Gospel  Cod. 
Ed.  A.  Gasquet,  Cod.  Vercellensis  (Collectanea  BiblicaLat.,JII.)t 
Rome,  1915. 

Cod.  b=Veronensis,  Vth  cent. 
Ed.  E.  S.  Buchanan,  The  Four  Gospels  from  the  Codex  Veronensis 
{Old  Latin  Biblical  Texts,  No.  6.)     London,  1911. 

Cod.  c  =  Colbertinus,  Xllth  cent.    A  Gospel  Cod. 
Ed.  Belsheim,  Codex  Colbertinus  Parisiensis,  Christiania,  1888. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  33 

Cod.  d  =  Bezae,  the  Latin  text  of  it.   Vth-VIth  cent. 
Ed.  Scrivener,  Codex  Bezae,  Cambridge,  1864. 

Cod.  ff2=Corbeiensis,  Illd-IVth  cent.    A  Gospel 

Cod. 
Ed.  E.  S.  Buchanan,   The  Four  Gospels  from  the  Codex   Cor- 
beietisis  {Old  Latin  Bibl.  Texts,  No.  5),  London,  1907. 

Cod.  h  =  Claromontanus,  IVth-Vth  cent.    Only  for 

Matth. 
Cod.  i  =  Vindobonensis,  Vllth  cent.   For  Luke  and 

Mark. 
Cod.  1  =Rehdigeranus,  Vllth-VIIIth  cent.   A  Gos- 
pel Cod. 
Ed.  H.  J.  VoGELS,  Codex  Rehdigeranus  {Collectanea  Biblica  Latina^ 
II),  Rome,  1913. 

c)  for  the  Italian  Version : 

Cod.  f  =  Brixianus,  Vlth  cent.     A  Gospel  Cod. 
Cod.  q  =  Monacensis,  Vlth-VIIth  cent.    A  Gospel 
Cod. 

d)  Codd.  which  present  mixed  readings: 

Cod.  gi  =  Sangermanensis  I.,  IXth  cent.   A  Gospel 

Cod. 
Cod.  g2=Sangemianensis  II.,  Xth  cent.   A  Gospel 

Cod. 
Cod.  B  =  Sangallensis,  IXth  cent.  A  Gospel  Cod.  Etc. 
Cf.  Scrivener,  A  Plain  Introduction,  etc. 

B.  The  Vulgate. 

LITERATURE 

S.  Berger,  Histoire  de  la,  Vulgate  pendant  les  Premiers  Siecles  du 

Moyen  Age,  Paris,  1893. 
F.  Chapman,  Notes  on  the  Early  History  of  the  Vulgate  Gospels^ 

Oxford,  1908. 
F.  Kaulen,  Geschichte  der  Vulgata,  Mainz,  1868. 
Bainvel,  De  Scriptura  Sacra,  Paris,  1910. 


34      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUD\ 

TEXTS 

J.  Wordsworth  and  J.  White,  Novum  Testamentum  Domini 
nostri  Jesu  Christi  secundum  Editionem  Sancti  Hieronymi  ad 
Codicum  Manuscriptorum  Fidem  rec,  Oxford,  1889  ff. 

Monachorum  Ord.  S.  Benedicti,  Collectanea  Bihlica  La- 
Una  (Gasquet). 

1.  Origin.  Since  the  Old  Latin  recensions  differed  so 
widely  that  it  could  be  said,  "7"o/  sunt  paene,  quot 
codices,''  St.  Jerome,  by  order  of  Pope  Damasus, 
undertook  an  amended  edition  of  the  Latin  Version. 
His  principle  was  to  respect  the  existing  text  wherever 
possible,  but  to  prefer  those  MSS.  which  agreed 
"cum  graeca  veritate.'"  As  he  accepted  the  Canones 
of  Eusehius,  the  presumption  is  that  his  MSS.  also 
went  back  to  Eusebius. 

He  began  his  revision  about  384,  with  the  Gospels, 

then  undertook  the  rest  of  the  N.  T.  books,  and 

finished  the  whole  Bible,  ca.  405.     But  we  have  no 

proof  that  in  the  N.  T.  he  corrected  much  more  than 

the  Gospels.  Though  not  an  official  edition,  it  gained 

steadily  in  importance    and    finally    received    the 

title  "Vulgate''  as  the  most  popular  text.     (Isidore 

of  Seville,  De  Div.  Off.,  I.  12:  "Hieronymi  editione 

generaliter  omnes  ecclesiae  usque  quaque  utuntur.") 

Cf.  E.  Mangenot,  Les  MSS.  Grecs  des  Evangiles  E?nployes  par 
S.  Jerome,  Rev.  des  Sciences  EccL,  1900. 

2.  Corrections.  St.  Jerome's  revision  retained  ad- 
mixtures of  Old  Latin  readings,  and  the  variants 
multiplied  in  the  course  of  time.    \\^^  ;«^-'  f  >  v'  ^ • "  ' 

a)  Therefore  Charlemagne  (797)  ordered  Alcuin  to 
edit  a  uniform  text  according  to  the  best  MSS. 

/r  Si' 

^  This  task  was  finished  in  801. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         35 

A  number  of  MSS.  of  the  Alcuin  Bible  are  still 
preserved  (British  Museum,  Paris,  Rome,  Bam- 
berg), the  best  Cod.  being  Cod.  Vallicellanus  in 
Rome. 

b)  Another  revision  along  Spanish  MSS,  was  made  by 
Bishop  Theodulph  of  Orleans  (787-821). 

Of  this,  too,  some  copies  are  preserved  (British 
Museum,  Paris). 

c)  Another  noteworthy  revision  stands  to  the  credit  of 
Stephen  Harding,  Abbot  of  Citeaux ;  it  was  com- 
pleted 1109  for  his  own  congregation. 

His  copy  is  preserved  in  4  vols.,  at  Dijon. 

d)  Of  great  importance  became  the  so-called  **Cor- 
rectories,"  in  which  the  correct  readings  w^ere  col- 
lected. Especially  active  in  this  work  was  the 
University  of  Paris.  (Correciio  Bibliae  Parisiensis 
[1226],  and  the  Correctorium  Sorhonicum).  Dur- 
ing the  15  th  century  the  Parisian  text  prevailed 
in  the  MSS. 

The  Printed  Vulgate.  The  first  printed  Bible  bear- 
ing a  date  is  that  of  1462.  During  the  15th  and  16th 
centuries  several  hundred  editions  were  printed  with 
innumerable  variants. 

The  first  critical  edition  of  the  Bible  was  published 
by  Stephanus,  1528.  His  later  edition,  1538-40, 
became  the  basis  of  our  official  Vulgate. 

The  Council  of  Trent  (April  8,  1546)  declared,  "«/ 
haec  ipsa  vetus  et  vulgata  editio  .  .  .  in  publicis 
lectionihiis,  disputalionihus,  praedicationihus  et  ex- 
positionihus  pro  authentica. /^a^ea/wr,"  i.e.,  sufficient 


36      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

for  proof;  and  ordered  its  revision  and  careful  im- 
pression (*'w/  .  .  .  quam  emendatissime  imprimatur''). 
Cf .  A.  Maichle,  Das  Dekret  De  Editione  et  Usu  Sacrorum  Librorum, 
seine  Entstehung  und  Erkldrung,  Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1914. 

5.  The  Official  Edition. 

a)  Accordingly  the  first  official  edition  was  pub- 
lished by  order  of  Sixtus  V,  1590  (Sixtina),  based 
chiefly  on  Stephanus*  edition.  But  because  of  its 
numerous  mistakes  it  was  withdrawn  after  the 
death  of  the  Pope  in  the  same  year,  and 

b)  replaced  1592  by  the  Clementina,   published   by 

order  of  Clement  VIIL     In  1593  and  1598  new 

editions  appeared  with  corrections. 

Cf.  H.  HoPFL,  Beitrdge  zur  Geschichte  der  Sixto-Clementinischen 

Vulgata,  Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1913. 
Fr.  Amann,  Die  Vulgata  Sixtina  von  1590,  Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1913. 
Le  Bachelet,  Bellarmin  et  la  Bible  Sixto- Clementine,  Paris,  1911. 
White,  in  Hastings*  Dictionary  of  the  Bible. 
Vercellone,  Variae  Lectiones  Vulgatae  Latinae,  Romae,  1860-64. 

6.  Restoration  of  the  Original  Vulgate  Text. 

Since  the  official  Vulgate  Text  is  not  without  textual 
mistakes 
.  ( -..  a)  Wordsworth  and  White  undertook  to  restore  oy 
u  extensive  studies  the  original  text  of  Jerome.     In 

1889  the  publications  began  with  the  Gospel  of 
St.  Matthew.  So  far  the  text  has  appeared  up  to 
Romans  incl.  An  "Editio  minor"  of  the  whole 
N.  T.  has  been  edited  by  White. 
,^  b)  Pope  Pius  X  entrusted  the  systematic  restoration 
of  Jerome's  Vulgate  to  the  Order  of  St.  Benedict. 
The  preparatory  studies  are  being  published  in  the 
Collectanea  Biblica  Latina. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  37 

'  7.  Single  MSS.  of  the  Vulgate.    They  are  very  numer- 
ous.  Among  the  more  important  are : 

a)  Cod.  Amiatinus  ( =  am)  about  700  A.D.,  containing 
the  whole  Bible,  perhaps  the  best  Vulgate  Cod., 
probably  the  work  of  Abbot  Ceolfrid  of  Wear- 
mouth  (.+  716). 

Ed.    K.    TiscHENDORF,    Novum    Testamentum    Latine    e    Codice 
Amiatino,  Leipzig,  1850. 

b)  Cod.  Fuldensis  (  =  fuld),  Vlth  cent.,  written  by 
order  of  Victor  of  Capua,  contains  the  N.  T.,  the 
Gospels  being  in  the  form  of  a  harmony,  preserved 
at  Fulda.  The  old  German  "Heliand"is  based  on 

it  (about  825). 
Ed.  E.  Ranke,  Codex  Fuldensis,  Marburg,  1868. 

c)  Cod.  Harleiaaus  (  =  harl),  Vlth-VIIth  cent. 

d)  Cod.  Gatianus  (  =  gat),  Vlllth  cent. 

Ed.  Heer,  Evangelium  Gatianum,  Freiburg,  1910. 

8.  Also  here  different  groups  may  be  distinguished. 

a)  The  Italian  group,  with  the  interesting  Cod. 
Fuldensis  and  Cod.  Harleianus. 

b)  The  Spanish  group,  with  Cod.  Cavensis  and  Cod. 
Toletanus. 

c)  The  Irish  group,  with  the  ''Book  of  Kells'  and  the 
''Book  of  Armagh,"  both  similar  to  Amiatinus. 

d)  The  English  group,  w4th  Cod.  Amiatinus,  written 
at  WesLvmoxith,  the  "Lindisfarne  Gospels,''  simi\a.T 
to  Amiatinus,  the  "Corpus  Christi  College  Gospels.'' 

e)  The  Alcuin  group.     Cf.  "Corrections"  above. 

f)  The  Theodulphian  group.     Cf.  "Corrections." 

g)  The  Harding  group.     Cf.  "Corrections," 


SS      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

9.    Vulgate  Editions. 

a)  M.  Hetzenauer,  Biblia  Sacra  Vulgatae  Editionis  Sixti  V 
Pont.  Max.  iussu  Rccocjnita  ct  C'lementis  VIII.  Auctori- 
tate  Edita,  Ratisbon  and  Rome,   1914. 

b)  A.  Grammatica,  Bibliorum  Sacronim  iuxta  Vulgatam  Cie- 
mcntinam  Nova  Editio.  Milan,   1914. 

,  c)  H.  J.   VoGELs,  Novum   Test.   Graccc  ct  Latinc,  Diisseldorf 

d)  White,  Novum  Tcstamentiwi  Latinc,  etc.,  Oxford,  1911. 
.  ^         2.  The  Syriac  Versions 

LITERATURE 

R.  Duval,  La  Literature  Syriaque,  Paris,  1899. 

F.  C.  CoNYBEARE,  The  Growth  of  the  Peshitta-Version  of  the 
N.  T.  (Am.  Journal  of  Theol.,  1897). 

a.  The  Peshitta  (  =  Syrpesh)  =  the  simple,  i.e.,  probably 
the  "ordinary,"  in  contradistinction  to  the  composite 
Syriac  version  of  the  Diatessaron.  It  bears  this  name 
since  the  IXth  or  Xth  century.  Its  author  is  probably 
Rabulas  of  Edessa  (435).  The  MSS.  for  this  transla- 
tion are  old  and  numerous,  many  from  the  V^th  and 
Vlth  cent.  The  so-called  five  Antilegomena  (II  Peter, 
II  and  III  John,  Jude,  and  Apocalypse)  are  missing. 

EDITIONS 

a)  of  the  whole  N.  T.; 

British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society,  The  New  Testament  in 
Syriac,  London,  1920. 

b)  of  the  Gospels  only : 

G.  H.  GwiLLiAM,  Tetra-evangelium  Sanctum  iuxta  simplicem 
Syriorum  versionem,  Oxford,  1901. 

c)  A  new  critical  edition  of  the  Peshitta  by  the  Pon- 
tifical Biblical  Institute,  Rome,  is  in  preparation. 

The  Peshitta  was  for  a  long  time  held  to  be  the  oldest 
preserved  Syriac  translation  and  regarded  as  the  most 
important.  A  new  field  was  opened  by  the  discovery 
of  the 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  39 

b.  Cod.  Curetonianus  (  =  syrcur  or  sy^),  published  in 
1858  by  the  discoverer,  W.  Cureton,  who  believed  it 
to  be  the  original  of  St.  Matthew.  In  spite  of  con- 
tradicting opinions  it  must  be  regarded  as  the  oldest 
Syriac  text. 

EDITIONS 

W.  Cureton,  Remains  of  a  Very  Ancient  Recension  of  the  Four 
Gospels  in  Syriac  hitherto  unknoivn  in  Europe,  1858. 

LITERATURE 

Baethgen,  Der  griechische  Text  des  Cureton' scheti  Syrers  wieder- 

hergestellt,  Leipzig,  1885. 
Bonus,  Collatio  Codicis  Lewisiani  Rescripti  Evangeliorum  Syria- 

corum  cum  Codice  Curetoniano,  Oxonii,  1896. 

A  new  phase  in  the  history  of  the  Syriac  text  began 
with  the  discovery  of  the , 

c.  Cod.  Syrus  Sinaiticus  (  =  syrsin  or  sy^)  1892  by  Mrs. 
A.  S.  Lewis  and  Mrs.  M.  D.  Gibson,  published  1894 
by  Bensly,  Burkitt,  and  Harris.  This  text  must  be 
regarded  as  a  revision  of  the  Curetonian  text.  It  is 
especially  important  because  of  the  peculiar  passage  in 
Matth.I,16,not  found  in  any  other  MS.  ('IcoaryCp  lylv- 
VTjaev  Tov  'Iy^joGv  t6v  Xsyo^svov  XpcaTov),  which 
is  frequently  exploited  against  the  virgin  birth 
of  Christ.  Remarkable  also  are  its  omissions:  i.e.,  of 
the  last  12  verses  of  Mark,  of  the  bloody  sweat  (Luke 
XXII,  43  f),  the  pericope  of  the  woman  taken  in 
adultery  (John  VII,  53-VIII,  11),  and  the  reconcilia- 
tion of  Pilate  with  Ilerod  (Luke  XXIII,  10-12). 

editions 

Bensly-Harris-Burkitt,  The  Four  Gospels  in  Syriac,  Cam- 
bridge, 1894. 

F.  C.  Burkitt,  Evangelion  da  Mepharreshe,  Cambridge,  1904. 

A.  S.  Lewis,  The  Old  Syriac  Gospels  or  Evangelion  da  Mepharreshe, 
London,  1910. 


40      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

d.  Tatian  renders  the  problem  of  the  Syriac  version 
even  more  complicated.  He  wrote  (about  170)  a 
Greek  Gospel  harmony,  the  so-called  Diatessaron  = 
t6  Bia  Tsajapwv  euayysXcov,  which  was  translated 
into  Syriac  and  remained  in  high  favor  with  the  Syr- 
ians until  the  Vth  century.  The  Syriac  text  is  not 
preserved,  but  it  can  be  reconstructed. 

1)  from  an  Arabic  Gospel  harmony  (Xth  cent.). 

LITERATURE 

Hill,  The  Earliest  Life  of  Christ,  1910  (a  translation). 

Hogg,  The  Diatessaron  of  Tatian,  Edinburgh,  1903. 

CiASCA,  Tatiani  Evangeliorum  Harmoniae  arabice,  Rome,  1888. 

2)  from  a  Latin  Harmony,  given  in  the  Cod.  Fuldensis 
(Vlth  cent.),  both  based  on  Tatian's  Harmony, 
with  corrections  and  modifications. 

3)  from  the  Armenian  translation  of  a  commentary  to 
the  Diatessaron  of  Ephrem  of  Edessa  (373),  pub- 
lished in  Latin  by  J.B.Aucher,  ed.  by  G.  Mosinger 
{Evangelii  Concordantis  Expositio  Facta  a  S. 
Ephraemo  doctore  Syro,  1876). 

4)  from  quotations  of  Aphraates  the  Syrian. 

LITERATURE 

M.  Maher,  S.  J.,   Recent  Evidence  for  the  Authenticity  of  the 

Gospels:  Tatian's  Diatessaron,  London,  1893. 
A.  HoBSON,  The  Diatessaron  of  Tatian  and  the  Synoptic  Problem, 

Chicago,  1904. 
Zahn,  Tatian's  Diatessaron,  Erlangen,  18S7. 
BuRKiTT,  St.  Ephraim's  Quotations  from  the  Gospel,  Cambridge,  1907. 

e.  The  Philoxenian  Version  (  =  syrphil),  made  by  Poly- 
carp  for  Bishop  Philoxenus  of  Mabug,  508.  It  con- 
tains the  Antilegomena,  wanting  in  the  Peshitta. 
Fragments  only  remain. 

Cf.  I.  H.  Hall,  Syriac  Manuscripts,  Gospels  of  a  Pre-Harkleian 
Version^  1883, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         41 

f.  The  Harklelan  Version  (  =  syrheracl),  made  616  by 
Thomas  of  Harkel,  a  revision  of  the  Philoxeniana, 
extant  in  ca.  50  MSS.  It  was  published  erroneously 
as  the  Philoxenian  version  by  J.  White,  Sacrorum 
Evangelioriim  Versio  Syriaca  Philoxeniana,  Oxford, 
1878;  and  Actuum  Apostolorum  et  Epistolanim  tarn 
Catholicarum  quam  Paulinarum  Versio  Syriaca  Philo- 
xeniana, Oxiovd,  1779  and  1803.  Slavish  adherence 
to  the  Greek,  against  the  Syriac  idiom,  is  its  character- 
istic, and  it  is  thus  an  important  witness  for  the  un- 
derlying Greek  text.  The  interpolations  in  the  Acts 
are  similar  to  those  of  Cod.  D. 

g.  The  Palestinian  Version  (  =  syrpal),  formerly  known 
only  by  a  Lectionary  of  the  Gospel  from  1030,  in  the 
Vatican. 

F.  R.  Harris  and  Mrs.  Lewis  discovered  two  more 
MSS.  of  it  on  Mount  Sinai.     The  language  departs 
from  the  usual  Syriac  and  has  closer  affinity  with  the 
Aramaic.    It  is  a  translation  from  the  Vlth    cen- 
tury. 
Ed.  A.  S.  Lewis  and  M.  D.  Gibson,   The  Palestinian  Syriac 
Lectionary  of  the  Gospels  re~editedjrom  two  Sinai  MSS.  and  from 
P.  de  Lagarde's  edition  of  the  " Evangeliarium  Hierosolymitanum," 
London,  1899. 
Note  on   Tatians  Relation  to  the  Old  Latin  and   Syriac 
Versions 

LITERATURE 

F.  H.  Chase,  The  Syro-Latin  Text  of  the  Gospels,  London,  1898. 
H.   J.    VoGELS,    Die   Harmonistik   i:n   Evangelientext   dcs    Codex 

Cantabrigiensis,  Leipzig,  1910. 
H.  J.   VoGELS,   Die  altsyrischen  Evangelien  in  ihrem    Verhdltnis 

zu  Tatian,  Freiburg,  1911. 
H.  J.  VoGELS,  Beitrdge  zur  Geschichte  des  Diatessaron  im  Abendland, 

Munster,  1919. 


42      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

From  the  dissertation  of  Chase  it  had  become 
evident  that  the  Syriac,  the  Old  Latin  version,  and 
the  text  of  Cod.  D  =  Bezae  are  interrelated,  showing 
altogether  the  same  harmonistic  character. 

As  far  as  can  be  seen  now,  esp.  from  the  investiga- 
tion of  Vogels,  the  explanation  lies  in  the  fact  that  of 
Tatians  (originally  Greek)  Diatessaron  existed  in  all 
probability  an  early  Latin  translation  which  influ- 
enced the  entire  Old  Latin  version  and,  in  its  Syriac 
garment,  the  Syriac  translation. 

^^     3.  The  Coptic  or  Egyptian  Versions. 

LITERATURE 

H.  Hyvernat,  Etudes  sur  les  Versions  Copies  de  la  Bible,  RB,  1896 
and  1897.     Continued  by  Vaschalde,  RB,  1919, 

Cf.  *' Versions  of  the  Bible"  in  the  Catholic  Encyclopedia. 

F.  Robinson,  Egyptian  Versions,  in  Hastings*  Dictionary  of  the 
Bible. 

V.  SoDEN,  Die  Schriften  des  N.  T.,  §337. 

**Coptic"  is  an  Arabic  transformation  of    Aly()%^ioq, 

and  therefore  the  "Coptic"  versions  are  more  correctly 
called  Egyptian.     We  distinguish  three  groups: 

1)  The  Version  of  Upper  Egypt,  the  so-called  *'Sahidic'* 
or  **Thebaic"  version,  probably  the  oldest,  originat- 
ing in  a  monastery  of  Pachomius,  Illd-IVth  centuries. 

Ed.  a)  for  the  Gospels:  G.  Horner,  The  Coptic  Version  of  the  New 
Testament  in  the  Southern  Dialect,  otherwise  called  Sahidic  or 
Thebaic,  3  vols.,  Oxford,  1911. 

b)  for  the  Acts:  Budge,  Coptic  Biblical  Texts  in  the  Dialect  cf  Upper 
Egypt,  London,  1912. 

c)  for  the  Pauhne  Epistles:  Horner,  The  Coptic  Version  cf  the  New 
Testament,  Vol.  IV  and  V:  The  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  Oxford,  1920. 

2)  The  Version  of  Lower  Egypt,  the  so-called  *'Bohairic" 
or   **Memphitic"  version,  the  Coptic  version  par 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  43 

excellence,  based  on  good  Greek  MSS.,  similar  to  B, 

Illd-IVth  centuries. 

Ed.  G.  Horner,  The  Coptic  Version  of  the  New  Testament  in 
the  Northern  Dialect,  otheruise  called  Memphitic  or  Bohairic, 
4  vols.,  Oxford,  1898  and  1905. 

3)  The  Versions  of  Middle  Egypt,  i.e.,  of  the  districts  of 
ancient  Memphis,  Fajjum,  Achmim: 

a)  the  Fajjum  version, 

b)  the  Achmim  version, 
existing  in  fragments  only. 

^.    4.  The  Ethiopic  Version. 

LITERATURE 

R.  H.  Charles,  Ethiopic  Version,  in  Hastings^  Dictionary  of  the 
Bible. 

Its  date  is  not  known  with  certainty,  but  may  be  as- 
signed to  the  Vth-VIIth  centuries. 

The  first  edition,  printed  in  Rome,  1548-49,  reprinted  in  Walton's 

Polyglot,  has  no  critical  value. 
The  same  must  be  said  of  the  edition  by  the  British  and  Foreign 

Bible  Society,  London,  1826-30,  by  Pell  Piatt. 
The  edition  has  been  revised  by  Practorius,  Leipzig,  1899. 

5.  The  Armenian  Version. 

literature 
F.  C.  Conybeare,  Armenian  Version  of  the  N.   T.,   in   Hastings' 
Dictionary  of  the  Bible. 

According  to  one  legendary  tradition  this  version  was 
made,  after  the  Greek  original,  by  two  disciples  of  the 
Patriarch  Mesrop,  433;  according  to  another,  by  the 
Patriarch  Sahac,  406.  The  translation  shows  Syrian 
influence.  One  MS.,  that  of  Etschmiazin,  986,  has  a 
special  bearing  on  the  disputed  ending  of  Mark,  for  it 


44      A  HANDBOOK  OP  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

carries,  after  Mark  XVI.  8,   the    inscription    of  the 
Presbyter  Eritzov  (Ariston). 
Ed.  J.  ZoHRAB,  Novum  Testamentum  Armenice  Editum,  Venice, 
1789. 

•v     6.  The  Georgian  Version. 

LITERATURE 

F.  C.  CoNYBEARE,  American  Journal  of  Theology,  I,  ^d>Z  ii. 
Th.  Kluge,  Die  georgischen  Vbersetzungen  des  Neucn  Testamentes, 
Zeitschriftfurntl.  Wissenschajt,  XII,  344 ff. 

It  shows  close  relationship  with  the  Armenian  version, 
and  is  supposed  to  date  from  the  Vlth  century. 
The  first  edition  appeared  at  Moscow  in  1743.     A  critical  edition 
began  to  appear  in  1910  at  Petrograd. 

J, .     7.  The  Arabic  Version. 

LITERATURE 

F.  C.  BuRKiTT,  Arabic   Versions,  in  Hastings^  Dictionary  of  the 
Bible. 

The  version  is  of  late  date  and  derived  partly  from  the 
Greek  original,  partly  from  Syriac  and  Coptic  versions. 
The  oldest  MS.  belongs  to  the  IXth  century. 

Ed.   Studia  Sinaitica   (Cambridge): 

An  Arabic  version  of  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Romans,  etc. 

(M.  Gibson,  1894). 
An  Arabic  version  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  and  the  seven  Catholic 

Epistles  (1899). 
The  Arabic  translation  of  Tatian's  Diatessaron  has  been  edited 

by  Ciasca,    Tatiani  Evangeliorum  Harmoniae  Arabice,  Rome, 

1888. 
A  complete  Arabic  Bible  has  been  published  in  Rome:  Biblia 

Sacra  A rabica,  Rome,  1671.     (Ad  usum  ecclesiarum  orientalium.) 

8.  The  Persian  Version. 

LITERATURE 

Gregory,  Textkritik,  SIS. 

This  version  is  of  late  origin,  but  cannot  be  dated  with 
certainty. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         45 
(j^  ■  9.  The  Gothic  Version. 

LITERATURE 

W.  Streitberg,  Die  gotische  Bibel,  Heidelberg,  1908. 

It  is  the  work  of  Ulfilas,  Bishop  of  the  Goths,  hence  of 

the  IVth  century.     The  translation  is  made  from  the 

Greek  original.     Seven  codices  of  the  text  are  known,  of 

which  the  most  famous  is  the  Codex  Argenteus  of  Upsala, 

Vth  century. 

Ed.  The  best  edition  is  that  of  W.  Streitberg,  Die  gotische  Bibel, 
Heidelberg,  1908. 

10.  The  English  Version. 
1)    Non-Catholic. 

literature 
Kenyon,  Our  Bible  and  the  Ancient  Manuscripts,  London,  1895. 
ScHAFF,  A    Companion  to  the  Greek   Testament  and  the  English 
Versions,  New  York,  1892. 

a)  Several  translations  preceded  the  so-called  "i4w- 
thorized  Bible.''  Of  importance  for  the  future  were: 

a.  The  Tindale  Bible,  1526  (N.T.). 
p.  The  Coverdale  Bible,  1535. 
Y.  The  Geneva  Bible,  1560. 
5.  The  Bishops'  Bible,  1568. 

b)  "The  Authorized  Version,"  1611,  based  es- 
sentially on  the  Bishops'  Bible,  is  supposed  to  be 
a  translation  of  the  original  Greek  and  Hebrew, 
but  is  full  of  unintentional  and  intentional 
errors.  The  English  is  excellent,  but  the  critical 
value  of  the  edition  is  small.  It  is  dedicated  to 
King  James  I,  hence  also  called  "King  James* 
Bible." 

c)  The  "Revised  Version,"  edited  through  the  co- 
operation of  English  and  American  scholars. 


46      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

The  New  Testament  appeared  in  1881;  being  an 
entirely  new  translation  rather  than  a  revision  of 
King  James'  Bible,  it  was  not  received  favorably. 
The  Old  Testament,  1885,  shows  fewer  alterations. 
But  neither  the  Oxford-Cambridge  edition,  nor  the 
New  York  ''American  Standard''  edition  (1901) 
is  satisfactory,  although  the  latter  is  to  be  pre- 
ferred, esp.  because  of  the  addition  of  references  to 
parallel  passages. 

LITERATURE 

Roberts,  Companion  to  the  Revised  Version  of  the  N.  T.,  New  York, 


1881. 


V^'        2)    Catholic. 


LITERATURE 

Newman,  Tracts  Theological  and  Ecclesiastical,  cli.   VII,    London 
1891. 

a)  The  Douay  Version,  thus  called  after  Douay, 
France,  where  an  English  Catholic  college  was 
founded  for  missionary  work  in  Protestant 
England.  The  college  was  transfen-ed  to  Rheims, 
where  the  New  Testament  was  finished  (1582), 
which  is  therefore  also  called  'The  Rheims  New 
Testament,"  The  Old  Testament  was  published 
1609-10.-*^  The  Douay  Bible  is  based  entirely  on 
the  Vulgate,  but  is  excessively  literal  and  has  no 
critical  value. 

b)  In  the  course  of  time  several  revisions  of  the  Douay 
Bible  appeared,  the  most  noteworthy  being  that 
of  Bishop  Challoner  (1750),  which  was,  to  all 
intents  and  purposes,  a  new  translation.  Modern 
editions  are  founded  on  this  revision,  e.g.,  the  Bible 
of  Archbishop  Kenrick,  Baltimore  (1849-60). 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         47 

c)  Since  1898  the  Gospels  are  available  in  a  very 
good  translation  from  the  Greek  by  F.A.  Spencer. 

d)  Since  1914  a  new  and  excellent  translation  with 
critical  notes  appears  in  London  as  ^'The  West- 
minster Version  of  the  Sacred  Scriptures.^' 

y^y      IV.  Liturgical  Books. 

LITERATURE 

Gregory,  Canon  and  Text  of  the  New  Testament,  Edinburgh,  1907. 
F.  W.  BuRGON,  The  Last  Twelve  Verses  of  the  Gospel  according  to 
St.  Mark,  Oxford,  1871. 

1.  Importance.  Although  these  documents,  as  official 
text-books,  represent  first-class  information  on  the 
original  text,  their  investigation  is  grossly  neglected. 
We  distinguish  the  Lectionaries  and  other  liturgical 
books. 

2.  Lectionaries.  Originally,  complete  MSS.  were  used 
for  the  purpose  of  the  Lectionary  system  of  the 
divine  services,  and  the  single  pericopes  were  marked 
at  the  margin.  Emperor  Constantine  ordered  50 
Biblical  MSS.  from  Eusebius  for  use  in  the  churches 
at  Constantinople. 

Cf.  Eusebius,  Vita  Const.,  IV,  36. 

In  course  of  time  these  pericopes  were  collected 
into  special  books,  called  Lectionaries ^  and  these 
again  divided  into  Evangeliaria^  containing  sections 
of  the  Gospels,  and  Epistolaria,  containing  parts 
of  the  Epistles.  Sometimes  they  were  written 
in  two  different  languages.  Whereas  the  extant 
Lectionaries  do  not  go  back  further  than  to  the  Vth 
or  Vlth  century,  the  system  itself  is  older  and  known 
already  to  Augustine,  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  etc. 
Dr.  Gregory  counts  1540  Lectionaries  still  preserved. 


48      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

3.  Besides  the  Lectionaries  we  possess  other  liturgical 

books  with  Biblical  texts,  e.g.,  the  Breviarium  said 
the  Mis  sale  in  the  Roman  Church,  the  tivrj^acov  or 
TptwBtov  in  the  Greek  Church. 


^ 


V.  Patristic  Quotations 

LITERATURE 

Gregory,  Canon  and  Text  of  the  New  Testament,  1907. 
The    New    Testament    in    the    Apostolic    Fathers,    by  the  Oxford 
Society  of  Historical  Theology,  1905. 

1.  Importance.  Since  the  Bible  was  the  main  subject 
of  the  early  ecclesiastical  writers  and  a  great  number 
of  them  wrote  at  a  date  earlier  than  that  of  our  oldest 
MSS.,  the  Patristic  quotations  are  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance for  the  textual  criticism  of  the  Sacred 
Books.  Yet,  these  Patristica  must  be  treated  with 
caution,  as  they  are  very  often  quoted,  not  verbatim 
but  from  memory. 

2.  Especially  prominent  are:  Justin,  Irenaeus,  Clement  of 
Alex.,  Origen,  Eusebius,  Chrysostom,  Jerome,  Hilary, 
Theodoret.  Of  special  value  are  collections  of  Biblical 
passages,  like  the  Testimonia  ad  Fortunatum  of 
Cyprian  or  the  Speculum,  attributed  to  Augustine. 
Even  the  writings  of  heretics  frequently  offer  wel- 
come aid  in  reconstructing  the  original  text. 

3.  Catenae.  Many  MSS.  present  the  Biblical  text  in 
the  middle  of  the  page,  surrounded  by  Patristic  com- 
mentaries. They  are  called  ''catenae''  and  their 
worth  is  on  a  par  with  the  usual  Patristic  quota- 
tions. 

4.  In  balancing  Patristic  quotations  the  first  requisite  is 
a  good  edition.   Migne,  Patrologiae  Cursus  Completus, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         49 

1844-66,  though  defective,  still  remains  indispensa- 
ble.    The  best  modem  editions  are: 

a)  for  the  Greek  Fathers :  The  ante-Nicene  writings 
published  by  the  Berlin  Academy,  beginning 
1897. 

b)  for  the  Latin  Fathers:  The  "Corpus  Scriptorum 
Eccl.  Latinorum"  of  Vienna,  beginning  1866. 

c)  for  the  Syriac  Fathers:  Graffin,  Patrologia 
Syriaca,  beginning  1894. 

ENGLISH      TRANSLATIONS 

Roberts-Donaldson,  The  Ante-Nicene  Christian  Library,  ed.  by 

Coxe,  1884-86. 
Schaff-Wace,  Select  Library  of  Nicene  and  Post-Nicene  Fathers, 

1886-90. 

The  best  guide  for  an  intelligent  study  of  the 
Fathers  is :  O.  Bardenhewer,  Geschichte  der  altchrist- 
lichen  Liter atiir.  Cf .  also  Smith-Ware,  A  Dictionary 
of  Christian  Bibliography. 

i^      VI.  The  Printed  Text  and  Textual  Criticism 

literature 
SCHAFF,  A  Companion  of  the  Greek  Testament,  New  York,  1892. 
E.  Reuss,  Bibliotheca  Novi  Testamenti  Graeci,  Braunschweig,  1872. 
Scrivener,  A  Plain  Introduction,  etc.,  London,  1894. 
COPINGER,  The  Bible  and  Its  Transmission,  etc.,  London,  1897. 

A.  The  oldest  printed  editions 

1.  The  Latin  Bible  was  privileged  to  be  the  first 
book  printed.    (Mayence,  1453-56.) 

2.  Not  until  1514  was  the  Greek  N.  T.  printed  for  the 
first  time,  under  the  auspices  of  Cardinal  Ximenes 
and  with  the  assistance  of  the  theologians  of  the 
University  of  Alcala   (Complutum),  as  the  5th 


50      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

volume  of  the  Complutensian  Polyglot,  but  it  did 
not  appear  until  1520. 

3.  Meanwhile  (1516)  Erasmus  of  Rotterdam  had  pub- 
lished a  hurried  {''praecipitatum  verius  quam 
editum"  according  to  this  own  words)  edition  of  the 
N.  T.  through  the  printer  J.  Froben  at  Basle,  fol- 
lowed by  four  more  editions,  1519, 1522, 1527, 1535. 
His  work  rested  on  the  authority  of  only  two  MSS. 
of  the  XVth  century  for  the  Gospels,  and  on  two 
others  for  the  Epistles.  The  edition  of  1519  was 
used  by  Luther.  That  of  1522,  like  the  Com- 
plutensian Polyglot,  contained  the  famous  ''Com- 
ma Joanneum"  (I  John  V.  7).  Both  Ximenes 
and  Erasmus  consulted  only  late  MSS. 

4.  Be  that  as  it  may:  they  paved  the  way  for  the 
editions  of  the  Parisian  bookseller  Robert  Ste- 
phanas, 1546,  1549,  1550,  1551,  who  employed 
more  and  better  MSS.  The  third  edition  of 
Stephanus,  called  the  "editio  regia"  and  re- 
published in  the  4th  edition,  became  the  basis  for 
the  'Hextus  receptus.''  The  4th  edition  has  the 
division  into  verses  still  in  vogue  today. 

5.  Theodore  Beza  reproduced  in  his  ten  editions 
(1565-1604)  mainly  the  4th  edition  of  Stephanus. 

6.  Beza's  edition  was  used  in  turn  by  the  printer 
Abraham  Elzevir  of  Ley  den  for  his  editions,  1624 
and  1633.  The  remark  in  the  preface  to  the  edi- 
tion of  1633 :  ''Textum  ergo  habes  nunc  ah  omnibus 
receptum/'  gave  rise  to  the  title  "textus  receptuSf^* 
and  it  really  became  the  popular  Bible. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         51 

7.  Meanwhile  various  Polyglots  began  to  reproduce 
the  texts: 

a)  the  Polyglot  of  Antwerp,  8  vols.,  published  by 
the  bookseller  Plantinus,  1569-73,  is  based  on 
the  Complutensian  Polyglot. 

b)  of  the  Parisian  Polyglot,  10  vols.,  published  by 
Michel  le  Jay,  the  N.  T.  appeared  1630-33. 

c)  the  most  important  was  the  London  Polyglot, 
6  vols.,  published  by  Bryan  Walton,  1657,  his 
Greek  N.  T.  text  being  based  on  R.  Stephanus. 

Modem  Polyglots : 

a)  Stier  und  Theile,  Bielefeld,  1846. 

b)  F.  Vigouroux,  Paris,  1908. 

B.  Textual  Criticism 

The  study  of  textual  criticism  began  in  earnest  about 
the  middle  of  the  17  th  century  through  the  collection 
of  variants  to  the  Elzevir  and  Stephanus  Bibles. 

1.  Landmarks  are  the  editions  of  J.  Fell  (Oxford, 
1675)  and  J.  Mill  (Oxford,  1707). 

2.  Important  progress  was  made  by  R.  Bentley 
(1742),  who  unfortunately  could  not  accomplish 
his  great  plan. 

3.  The  work  of  English  scholars  was  taken  up  by  the 
German  J.  A.  Bengel,  who  first  distinguished 
groups  and  families  among  the  MSS:  (a)  the 
*' Asiatic''  and  (b)  the  ''African''  family.  (His 
Notitia  N'  T'  G'  appeared  in  1734). 

4.  A  beacon  in  N.  T.  criticism  is  J.  Wettstein,  the 
inventor  of  identifying  ciphers  for  the  MSS.  and 
an  indefatigable  collector  of  critical  material  for 


52      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

the  N.  T.  His  Prolegomena  (1751)  remain  indis- 
pensable to  this  day.  But  he  had  no  perception  of 
the  value  of  the  Vulgate. 

5.  J.  J.  Griesbach  (1745-1812)  continued  on  the 
principles  of  Bengel.  He  distinguishes  ^  groups: 
(a)  the  Western  (D  and  Itala,  etc.),  (b)  the  Alexa?i- 
drian:  C,  K,  etc.,  (c)  the  Byzantine  family,  includ- 
ing nearly  all  codices. 

6.  J.  M.  Scholz's  valuable  edition  (1830-36)  distin- 
guishes only  2  texts:  (a)  the  Alexandrian,  (b)  the 
Byzantine.  However,  all  these  text-critical  at- 
tempts, including  others  of  minor  importance 
(Toinard,  1707,  Matthai,  1781-88,  Lloyd,  1828, 
etc.)  depend  more  or  less  on  the  'Hextus  receptus.'* 

7.  The  break  with  the  ''textus  receptus''  was  accom- 
plished by  the  Berlin  philologist  K.  Lachmann  (edi- 
tions 1831,  1842,  1850),  who  undertook  to  recon- 
struct the  text  of  the  IVth  century,  assuming 

a)  an  oriental  recension  (ABC,  etc.)  and 

b)  an  occidental  recension  (DEG,  abc,  etc.) 

His  principle  was:  The  older  the  MS.  the  more 
valuable  its  text. 

8.  Further  advance  was  made  by  K.  Tischendorf ,  the 
discoverer  of  Cod.  N.  His  text  is  based  in  the  main 
on  N  B,  with  preference  for  J<.  Of  all  his  editions 
the  most  famous  is  his  ''Editio  octava  critica  major 
(2  vols.,  1864-1872),  with  the  Prolegomena  of 
Gregory  (Leipzig,  1894),  reedited  by  v.  Gehhardt  with 
the  variations  of  Tregelles  and  Westcott-Hort.  It 
is  a  standard  critical  work  of  permanent 
value. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         53 

9.  Similar  to  his  text  is  the  edition  of  S.  P.  Tregelles 

(1857-69).     For  his  Vulgate  text  he  used  the  Co- 
dex Amiatinus. 

10.  A  new  epoch  was  begun  by  the  Cambridge  Pro- 
fessors Westcott  and  Hort  (1881),  whose  edition 
was  based  on  the  critical  works  especially  of 
Tischendorf  and  Tregelles.  They  distinguished  4 
groups  of  texts : 

a)  the  Neutral  text  (in  B,  less  pure  in  ^<)  with 
only  a  few  changes  of  the  original. 

b)  the  Western  text  (in  D,  vetus  latina,  vetus  Syr  a), 
which  came  from  Syria  to  the  West  before  200. 
It  resulted  from  a  paraphrastic  work.  This 
text  is  quoted  by  Justin,  Irenaeus,  and  Eusebius. 

c)  the  Alexandrian  text,  distinguished  by  linguistic 
smoothness,  contained  in  older  Uncials,  e.g.,  A, 
some  Minuscules,  the  Egyptian  versions,  the 
Alexandrian  Fathers,  esp.  Origen. 

d)  The  Syrian  text,  originating  in  Syria  at  about 
300,  spread  abroad  from  Constantinople,  repre- 
sented mostly  by  the  younger  Uncials  and  the 
majority  of  the  Minuscules,  and  quoted  by  Chris- 
tian writers  from  the  time  of  Chrysostom.  It 
became  the  ^Hextus  receptus,"  but  departs  farther 
from  the  original  than  the  other  text-groups. 

LITERATURE 

Westcott-Hort,   The  N.  T.  in  the  Original  Greek,   American 
edition,  New  York,  1882. 

11.  B.  Weiss  arrived  at  similar  conclusions  in  his  edi- 
tion, 1902.     B  is  preferred. 

12.  Finally  H.  v.  Soden  collected  all  the  immense  ma- 
terial of  MSS.  in  a  new  apparatus  and  edition,  pub- 


54      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

lished  in  his  monumental  work:  Die  Schriften  des 
Neuen  Testamentes  in  ihrer  dltesten  erreichbaren 
Textgestalt,  Berlin,  1902-13.  The  text  appeared 
in  1913.     He  distinguishes  three  families : 

a)  the  Egyptian  text,  or  recension  H  (of  Hesychius), 
represented  by  X  B  C,  etc.,  about  50  MSB., 
Papyrus  fragments,  Egyptian  versions,  Athana- 
sius,  Didymus,  Cyril  of  Alexandria. 

b)  the  Palestinian- J erusalemic  text,  or  recension  I 
(of  Pamphilus  of  Caesarea),  represented  by 
D,  E,  the  Ferrar  group,  the  Syriac  translations, 
the  Vetus  Latina,  Eusebius,  Cyril  of  Jerusalem. 

c)  the  Antiochian  text,  or  recension  K  (Koine  text, 
of  Lucian  of  Antiochia),  represented  by  Q,  etc., 
the  Peshitta,  the  Gothic  version,  Chrysostom, 
the  Cappadocians,  Theodoret  of  Cyrus.  It  be- 
came the  "textus  receptus''  spreading  from  Con- 
stantinople, after  the  Xllth  century. 

The  original  text  is  represented  by  the  common 
archetype  H-I-K.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the 
so-called  Western  text  has  no  independent  place  in 
V.  Soden's  system,  but  is  included  in  the  I-recension. 

13.  A  summary  of  the  studies  of  Lachmann,  Tregelles, 
Tischendorf,  and  B.  Weiss  is  furnished  in  the  edi- 
tion of  F.  Wejrmouth,  The  Resultant  Greek  Testa- 
ment, London,  1886. 

14.  The  edition  of  A.  Souter,  Novum  Testamentum 
Graece,  Oxford,  1910,  is  valuable  on  account  of  its 
splendid  critical  apparatus. 

15.  The  editions  of  Fr.  Brandscheid  (1906-7)  and  M. 
Hetzenauer  (1904)  leave  much  to  be  desired. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  55 

16.  The  edition  of  E.  Nestle  (1912),  based  on  the  sum- 
mary result  of  the  studies  of  Tischendorf,  West- 
cott-Hort,  B.  Weiss,  Weymouth  (B.  Weiss  decides 
in  doubtful  cases),  is  helpful  but  not  reliable. 

17.  The  best  edition  for  practical  use  is  Vogels'  Novum 
Testamentum  Graece  et  Laiine,  Diisseldorf,  1922. 

C.    Result 

The  work  of  v.  Soden  is  to  a  great  extent  a  confirmation 
of  the  critical  studies  of  Westcott  and  Hort. 

L  The  outstanding  conclusion  is  that,  despite  the  most 
critical  investigations,  the  text  of  the  New  Testament 
remains  essentially  the  same  as  represented  in  the  **textus 
receptus." 

II.  Three  main  families  or  groups  seem  to  be  discernible 
in  the  text  material. 

III.  But  the  difficulty  begins  with  the  so-called  Western, 
perhaps  more  correctly  called  the  Syro-Latin  text,  as  sug- 
gested by  Chase. 

LITERATURE 

F.  Harris,  Four  Lectures  on  the  Western  Text  of  the  New  Testament, 

1894. 
F.  H.  Chase,  The  Syro-Latin  Text  of  the  Gospels,  London,  1898. 
C.  E.  Hammond,  Outlines  of  Textual  Criticism,  Oxford,  1902. 
H.  J.  VoGELS,  Beitrdge  zur  Geschichte  des  Diatessaron  im  Abend- 

lande,  Munchen,  1919. 

1)  This  text  is  represented  by  D.E.G.0.,  etc.,  the 
famous  Ferrar  group,  the  Vetus  Latina,  Vetus 
Syra,  Irenaeus,  Justin,  Cyprian,  Tertullian,  Aph- 
raates,  Tatian,  etc.,  and  its  independent  worth  can- 
not easily  be  gainsaid. 

2)  Some  examples  may  illustrate  the  seriousness  of  the 
problem : 


56      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

a)  Of  greatest  interest  is  the  enigma  of  the  Acts^ 
where  the  Syro-Latin  text  exhibits  readings  so 
different  as  to  suggest  an  original  double  edition. 

LITERATURE 

H.  CoppiETERS,  De  Historia  Textus  Actorum  Apostolorum,  Lovanii, 

1902. 
F.  Blass,  Philology  of  the  Gospels,  London,  1898. 

b)  After  Matthew  XX,  28  the  Syro-Latin  text  has  a 
very  extensive  ^'interpolation,'"  which  is  missing 
in  the  ^'textus  receptusy 

c)  A  considerable  number  of  cases  where  the  Syro- 
Latin  text  presents  a  reading  entirely  different 
from  the  other  text-groups  are  collected  in  Chase, 
The  Syro-Latin  Text,  et-c. 

The  solution  of  the  problem  seems  to  bs  given 
in  the  excellent  investigations  of  Vogels,  which 
make  Tatian's  Diatessaron  (or  better  Diapente, 
of.  preface  to  Codex  Fuldensis)  responsible 
for  the  startling  peculiarities  of  the  "Syro- 
Latin"  text. 

v^    D.    Principles  of  N.  T.  Criticism 

LITERATURE 

Westcott-Hort,    The   New    Testament   in   the   Original   Greek, 

American  edition,  New  York,  1882. 
Hammond,  Outlines  of  Textual  Criticism,  etc.,  Oxford,  1902. 
Mitchell,   The  Critical  Handbook  of  the  Greek  New  Testament, 

New  York,  1896. 
Harnack,    Zur   Revision   der  Prinzipien   der   neutestamentlichen 

Textkritik,  1916. 
Hetzenauer,  De  Recognitione  Principiorum  Criticae  Novi  Testa- 

menti  secundum  Adolf um  de  Harnack,  1920. 

The  following  principles  cannot  be  applied  mechanically, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         57 

or  with  infallible  certainty,  as  the  circumstances  of  an 
individual   case  may   require  additional  considerations. 

I.  Principles  of  External  Evidence. 

1.  The  numerical  contraposition  of  MSS.  cannot  be 
considered  as  a  satisfactory  and  successful  method 
of  text  criticism. 

2.  But  the  sensus  communis  of  all  the  earliest  MSS., 
Versions,  Liturgical  Books,  and  Patristic  quota- 
tions establishes  the  content  of  the  original  text 
to  a  certainty. 

3.  The  harmony  observed  in  MSS.  from  different  tex- 
tual groups  and  different  localities  is  of  decisive 
weight. 

4.  Likewise  the  evidence  from  Liturgical  Books,  for 
they  reflect  the  official  attitude  of  the  Church. 

5.  Single  MSS  are  to  be  valued  according  to  their 
individuality,  history,  and  special  characteristics; 
e.g.,  D  has  a  tendency  to  insert  additions,  B  is 
inclined  to  omissions. 

II.  Principles  of  Internal  Evidence. 

1.  **Brevior  lectio  praeferenda  est  verbosiori"  (Gries- 
bach),  as  the  copyists  were  inclined  to  incor- 
porate marginal  notes  into  the  text  {e.g.,  the 
*^Comma  Joanneum,''  I  John  V,  7-8). 

2.  "Proclivi  scriptioni  praestat  ardua"  (Bengel),  as 
the  copyists  were  tempted  to  render  a  reading 
easier  rather  than  more  difficult. 

3.  **Praeferatur  lectio  praebens  ansam  naturalem 
variae  scriptionis."  E.g.,  I  Tim.  Ill,  16  OC  offered 
a  natural  temptation  to  read  0C,  whereas  80 
hardly  would  have  been  changed  into  OC. 


58      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

4.  *'Praeferatur  lectio  discrepans  a  textu  parallelo," 

for  the  copyists  were  inclined  to  harmonize  parallel 
passages. 

\   VII.  Linguistic  Criticism  of  the  New  Testament, 
i.  General  literature : 

LITERATURE 

A.  Deissmann,  Bihle  Studies,  Edinburgh,  1901. 

A.  Deissmann,  The  Philology  of  the  Greek  Bihle,  London,  1908. 

A.  Deissmann,  Light  from  the  Ancient  East,  1910. 

ViTEAU,  Etude  sur  le  Grec  du  Nouveau  Testament,  Paris,  1893. 

E.  Hatch,  Essays  in  Biblical  Greek,  London,  1888. 

F.  Blass,  Philology  of  the  Gospels,  London,  1898. 
Wendland,  Urchristliche  Liter aturformen,  Tubingen,  1912. 

ii.  Grammars: 

F.  Blass,  Grammatik  des  neutestamentlichen  Griechisch,  ed.  De- 

brunner,  Gottingen,  1913. 
F.  H.  MouLTON,  Grammar  of  New  Testament  Greek,  Edinburgh, 

1919. 
Robertson,  A  Grammar  of  the  Greek  New  Testament  in  the  Light 

of  Historical  Research,  New  York,  1919. 

iii.  Dictionaries: 

Fr.  Zorell,  Novi  Testamenti  Lexicon  Graecum,  Paris,  1911. 

MouLTON-MiLLiGAN,  The  Vocabulary  of  the  Greek  Testament  Il- 
lustrated from  the  Papyri,  1918  f. 

C.  L.  W.  Grimm,  Lexicon  Graeco-Latinum  in  Libros  Novi  Testa- 
menti, Leipzig,  1903. 

P.  H.  Thayer,  Greek-English  Lexicon  of  the  New  Testament,  New 
York,  1899. 

iv.  Concordances: 

C.  H.  Bruder,  Ta;jLt£lov  sive  Concordantiae  omnium  vocum  Novi 
Testamenti  Graeci,  Gottingen,  1913. 

V.  Ostraca,  Papyri,  and  Inscriptions: 

Van  Herwerden,  Lexicon  Graecum  Suppletorium  et  Dialecticum, 
Lyons,  1902. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  59 

Lefebvre,  Fragments  Grecs  des  Evangiles  sur  Ostraca,  Cairo,  1904. 

Bludau,  BZ,  1906. 

HoHLWEiN,  La  Papyrologie  Crecque,  Louvain,  1905 

A.  The  N.  T.  Language  in  GeneraL 

1.  The  study  of  the  language  of  the  New  Testament 
has  made  remarkable  strides  since  the  end  of  the 
last  century,  especially  through  the  investigation 
of  the  Ostraca,  Papyri,  and  Inscriptions. 

2.  The  upshot  was  the  discovery  that  N.  T.  Greek 
is  not  a  linguistic  island,  but  identical  with  the  so- 
called  Koine,  the  idiom  which  developed  in  the 
East  after  Alexander  the  Great. 

3.  The  Papyri  and  Ostraca  esp.  have  demonstrated 
that  the  greater  part  of  the  New  Testament  is 
written  in  a  vulgar  Greek.  This  does  not  fully 
apply  to  St.  Paul,  who  often  employs  a  classic 
terminology,  and  uses  expressions  which  may  be 
termed  popular-philosophical. 

4.  Since  the  mother-tongue  of  most  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment writers  was  the  Aramaic,  many  Semiticisms 
are  observed  in  the  N.  T.  books,  which  probably 
were  to  a  great  extent  part  and  parcel  of  the  KotvYj. 

5.  Besides,  the  Greek  of  the  O.  T.  Septuagint  exer- 
cised its  influence. 

6.  Some  literary  forms  and  expressions  resemble  those 
of  the  contemporary  Greek  literature,  esp.  the 
forms  of  the  Diatribe.  But  we  cannot  speak  of 
artificial  imitation  by  the  New  Testament  writers, 
esp.  St.  Paul. 

7.  The  recent  theory  of  P.  W.  Schmidt  {Der  stro- 
phische  Aujhau  des Gesatnttextes  der  vier  Evangelien, 


60      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Wien,  1921),  that  the  entire  text  of  all  the  Gospels 
is  composed  in  verses  and  strophes,  is  unwarranted. 

B.  Special  Characteristics  of  the  Language  of  the  N.  T. 

Cf.  Jacquier,  Histoire  des  Livres  du  N.  T.,I  and  III. 
Jacquier,  Etudes  de  Critique  et  de  Philologie  du  N.  T.,  1920. 

When  compared  with  classical  Greek  the  N.  T.  ex- 
hibits : 

a)  A  number  of  new  words:  of  the  ca.  5000  words 
of  the  N.  T.  about  1000  belong  to  the  post- 
classic  period,  part  of  them  being  found  for 
the  first  time  in  the  N.  T.,  particularly  many 
Hebraisms  and  Latinisms. 

b)  A  number  of  words  are  given  a  new  meaning, 
either  by  a  natural  development  of  the  language, 
e.g.,  h'jya'^iq  =  miracle,  x peace;  =  judgment, 
69£(XiQyLa=  sin ;  or  under  the  influence  of  Jewish 
and  Christian  ideas ;^.g.,  cap?  xal  a\[i<x,  dvdjTaaij;, 
etjayylXtov,  H.wY],  xt'jTtq,  •juveu^jia,  awTf^pca,  etc. 

c)  The  grammatical  construction  als3  ehows  pecu- 
liarities in  many  instances.  Cf .  Moulton.  They 
are  now  identified  as  the  ordinary,  every-day 
language  of  that  time,  reflected  in  the  papyri, 
etc.  E.g.,  from  the  Ostraca  we  know  that  the 
word  tcXyjpyjc;,  used  in  John  I,  14,  was  used  as 
an  indeclinable  noun. 

d)  The  style  likewise  shows  peculiar  features. 

e)  New  light  is  shed  upon  a  number  of  puzzling 
words  and  expressions  in  the  N.  T.  by  the  new 
discoveries;  e.g., 

a)     Matth.    X,   10,  the  xTjpa  is    a  bag  not  for 
provisions  but  for  alms,  which  the  votaries  of 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  61 

Oriental  deities  used  to  carry.     Cf.  Deiss- 
MANN,  Light  from  the  Ancient  East. 

P)  I  Cor.  X,  2 1  we  read  of  instructions  of  St.  Paul 
to  the  Christians  not  to  participate  in  the 
meals  of  the  Lord  and  meals  of  the  de- 
mons, i.e.,  the  sacrificial  banquets  held  by 
the  pagans  in  honor  of  their  deities.  The 
custom  is  now  illustrated  by  the  Oxyrhyn- 
chus  Papyri,  which  contain  invitations  to  the 
meals  of  the  Lord  Serapis. 

Y)  The  terms  T:apoua(a  and  ixtcpavsta, 
used  by  St.  Paul  for  the  second  coming  of 
Christ,  are  now  known  to  have  been  in  use 
for  the  arrival  of  the  Roman  Emperor  in 
towns  of  Roman  provinces. 

B)  The  peculiar  expression  (Acts  XIII,  9)  SaOXo(; 
II  %(x\  HaQXoc;  is  now  known  to  have  been 
used  in  this  form  (B^xal)at  that  time 
for  persons  with  two  names. 

B.    The  Text  of  the  Old  Testament 

LITERATURE 

Gesenius,  Geschichte  der  Hehr.  Sprache  und  Schrift,  1815. 
Gesenius-Buhl,  Hebrdisch-aramdisches  Handworterbuch,  1915. 
Mandelkern,    Veteris    Testamenti    Concordantiae   Hebraicae   ei 

Chaldaicae,  1896. 
Berger,  Histoire  de  V&criture  dans  VAntiquite,  1902. 
Chwolson,  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Hebraicarum,  1882. 

I.  The  Languages  of  the  O.  T.  in  General. 

1.  In  Hebrew  is  preserved  the  greater  part  of  the  O.  T. 

2.  In  Aramaic:  only  parts  of  the  O.  T.,  i.e.,  Esdr.  IV,  8-VI,  18; 
VII,  12-26;  Dan.  II,  4-VII,  28;  Gen.  XXXI,  47;  Jer.  X,  11. 

3.  In  Greek:  Tobias;  Judith;  Esth.   X,  4-XVI,  24;  Wisdom; 


62      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Baruch;  Dan.  Ill,  24-90;  XIII,  1-XIV,  42;  Ecclesiasticus ;  I, 
II  Mace. 
Wisdom  and  II  Mace,  were  oiiginally  written  in  Greek.  Three- 
fifths  of  the  original  Hebrew  text  of  Ecclesiasticus  was  re- 
cently (1895-1900)  recovered  in  a  synagogue  in  Cairo.  Ed. 
Peters,  Liber  Jesufilii  Sirach  etc.  hebraice,  1995. 

1.  Hebrew 

It  is  a  Semitic  language,  spoken  by  the  original  in- 
habitants of  the  territory  between  the  Mediter- 
ranean Sea  and  the  Arabian  desert;  it  was  adopted 
by  the  Canaanitic  invaders  from  the  West,  and  by 
them  transmitted  to  Abraham  and  his  descendants, 
who  came  from  the  East.  That  Hebrew  was  spoken 
in  Palestine  at  least  after  2000  B.C.,  is  evident  from 
the  El-Amarna  tablets  (15th  cent.  B.C.). 

The  name  '*  Hebrew  "  may  be  derived  either  from 
*^5y ,  the  grandson  of  Sem,  Gen.  X,  24;  or,  according 
to  the  translation  of  Gen.  XIV,  13  by  the  LXX 
(xspccTTQc;)  from  ^???  =  ''beyond,'*  signifying  those 
who  came  from  "beyond'' '  the  Jordan  or  Euphrates; 
or,  according  to  some,  from  "^5?  ==  *Ho  wander.** 

The  O.  T.  calls  the  language  ''Canaanitic'^  (Is. 
XIX,  18),  or  "Judaic''  (IV  Kings  XVIII,  26).  The 
title  "Hebraic"  occurs  only  later  (Prologue  to 
Eccli.  =  lgpa'iaT(). 

a)  Hebrew,  as  known  from  O.  T.  literature,  had  al- 
ready had  a  development.  The  oldest  books  do 
not  present  the  oldest  form  of  the  language.  In 
fact,  the  earliest  and  the  latest  books  of  the  He- 
brew Bible  differ  comparatively  little  as  to  lan- 
guage, a  proof  that  the  older  form  was  adapted  to 
the  expression  of  later  times. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         63 

b)  The  stage  of  development  of  O.  T.  Hebrew  may 
be  ascertained  approximately  by  comparison  with 
a)  the  Siloam  inscription,  dating  from  the  time  of 

King  Ezechias,  about  715-687  B.C; 
P)  the  Moabite  stone,  an  inscription  of  King  Mesa 
of  Moab,  mentioned  IV  Kings  III,  4,  belonging 
to  the  9th  cent.  B.C. 

Affinities  are  found  in  the  language  of 
Judges,  the  books  of  Samuel,  in  parts  of  the 
Psalms,  Proverbs,  and  the  oldest  Prophets, 
whereas  the  books  of  Moses  and  Josue  indicate 
a  still  older  period. 
Y)  The  Canaanitish  or  Hebrew  glosses  of  the 
El  Amama  tablets  (15th  cent.)  represent  an 
older  stage  than  the  books  of  Moses  and 
Josue. 
S)  Phoenician  monuments  of  the  4th  to  3rd 
cent,  display  a  degenerate  form  of  language. 
Compared  with  these  the  exilic  and  post-exilic 
books  of  the  O.  T.  show  a  more  archaic  charac- 
ter. 

2.  Aramaic 

LITERATURE 

Maclean,  Grammar  of  the  Dialects  of  Vernacular  Syriac,  1895. 
Chabot,  Les  Langues  et  les  Litteratiires  Arameennes,  1910. 

Conquered  by  the  Babylonian  King  Nebuchadnezzar 
II  (588-86),  and  deported  into  captivity,  the  Jews, 
while  retaining  their  Hebrew  tongue,  learned  also 
the  language  of  the  conquerors,  i.e.,  the  Aramaic, 
which  had  become  popular  since  the  8th  cent.  B.C., 
whereas  Babylonian  remained  the  literary  language. 


64      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

After  the  5th  century  B.C.  Aramaic  became  the  lan- 
guage of  all  the  Semites.  A  century  after  the  return 
from  exile  Hebrew  ceased  to  be  spoken,  although 
it  was  understood  and  used  as  the  liturgical  (in  the 
■Synagogue)  and  scientific  language.  Thus  the  He- 
brew O.  T.,  since  the  3d  cent.  B.C.,  was  preserved  in  a 
dead  language. 

a)  Aramaic  is  a  branch  of  the  Semitic,  and  was  used 
at  an  early  date  in  Babylonia,  Mesopotamia, 
Syria,  etc.,  finally  superseding  all  other  Semitic 
dialects  in  Palestine  and  Phoenicia.  The  O.  T. 
scriptures  usually  refer  to  it  as  "Aramaic'* 
(IV  Kings.  XVIII,  26;  Is.  XXXVI,  11);  it  is 
also  called  "Chaldaic''  by  a  misunderstanding  of 
Dan.  II,  4-VII;  or  Syriac  (Vulgate  Dan.  II,  4). 
The  N.  T.  calls  it  "i]  *E6pat<;  gcaXsxToq"  (cf. 
Acts  XXI,  40;  XXII,  2,  etc.);  likewise  Flavius 
Josephus. 

b)  The  Aramaic  of  the  Biblical  Paraphrases,  called 
Targumin,  is  younger  and  more  degenerate. 

c)  Aramaic  p?.rts  of  the  O.  T.  are : 

Gen.  XXXI,  47;  Jer.  X,  11 ;  Dan.  II,  4-VII,  29; 
Esdras  IV,  8-VI,  18;  VII,  12-26. 

d)  The  Aramaic  of  the  Papyri  of  Assuan  and  Ele- 
phantine (5th  cent.)  is  akin  to  the  Aramaic  of  the 
Bible.  The  oldest  Aramaic  documents  are  the  in- 
scriptions of  Sendschirliand  Ninive  (8th-7th  cent.). 

LITERATURE 

Jahn,  Die  Elephantiner  Papyri  etc.,  1913. 

Cook-Stanley,  A  Glossary  of  the  Aramaic  Inscriptions,  1898. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  65 

3.  Greek 

LITERATURE 

Helbing,  Grammatik  der  Septuaginta,  1907. 
Thackeray,  A  Grammar  of  the  O.  T.  in  Greek,  1909. 

Old    Testament     Greek   is    the     xoiv?)    8taX6XTO(;, 

i.e.,  not  the  classical   Greek,   but  a  Greek   patois 

spoken  and  written  during  the  period  300   B.C.- 

600  A.D.,  which  after  Alexander  the  Great  spread 

over  the  whole  civilized  world. 

■    a)  The  O.  T.  Greek  represents  a  distinct  dialect  of 

this  KoivT],    i.e.,  the  dialect    of    Egypt,    or    the 

Alexandrian  dialect,  resulting  from  the  fact  that 

the  O.  T.  was  translated  there. 
b)  Naturally   "Hebraisms"  and   **Aramaisms"   are 

very  numerous  in  this  version. 

II.  The  Externals  of  O.  T.  Hebrew 

LITERATURE 

LiDZBARSKi,  Ilandbuch  der  nordsemitischen  Epigraphik,  1898. 
Corpus  Jnscriptionum  Semiticamm,  1881  fi". 
Berger,  Histoire  de  VEcriture  dans  VA ntiquite,  1902. 
PoGNON,  Inscriptions  Semitiques  de  la  Syrie,  etc.,  1907. 

The  Hebrew  and  Aramaic  parts  of  the  O.  T.  are  now 

given  in   **square-script."     This,  however,  was  not 

their  original  form. 
1.  The  original  form  was  that  of  the  **old  Hebrew" 
alphabet,  sometimes  called  *Thoenician,"  or  *'Ca- 
naanitish,"  known  upward  from  the  10th  cent.  Its 
parentage  is  but  imperfectly  known,  some  deriving 
it  from  the  hieratic  writing  of  the  Egyptians,  some 

'  from  the  cuneiform  characters,  some  from  hieroglyphs. 
It  uses  only  consonants  and  knows  no  separation  of 
words  in  a  modern  sense.  .  . 


66      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

The  "old  Hebrew*'  alphabet  is  used: 

a)  on  the  stone  of  Moab,  9th  century  (also  called 
"Phoenician"  script  proper). 

b)  in  the  Siloam  inscription,  8th  century  (discovered 
1880). 

c)  in  seal  impressions  on  clay  of  the  pre-exilic  time. 

d)  in  coins  of  the  post-exilic  time  (Maccabees)  and  even 
of  the  Christian  era; 

e)  and  in  the  Amwas  inscription  of  the  4th  century 
A.D.  (discovered  1881). 

Still  Jerome  tells  us :  "  Nomen  Dei  tetragrammaton 
in  quihusdam  graecis  voluminibus  usque  hodie 
antiquis  expressum  Uteris  invenimus''  {Prologus 
Galeatus). 

2.  The  **ancient Hebrew"  form  was  exchanged  amongst 
the  Jews — but  not  in  the  Scriptures — for  the 
* 'Aramaic'*  (which  is  not  yet  the  "square  script" 
proper),  when,  after  the  return  of  the  Jews  from  the 
Babylonian  exile,  Aramaic  became  the  popular  idiom 
about  400  B.C. 

This  foHxi  is  preserved,  e.g., 

a)  in  the  inscription  of  King  Zakir,  discovered  1903; 

b)  in  the  inscriptions  of  Sendschirli  (Cilicia) ;  especially 
in  the  Haddad  inscription,  discovered  1890. 

c)  in  Babylonian  inscriptions  {Corpus  Inscript,  Sem.) 

3.  Three  branches  developed  in  the  2nd  century  B.C. 
from  this  Aramaic  form : 

a)  the  "Hebrew  square  script^'*  the  present  script  of 
our  O.  T. ; 

b)  the  Palmyrenic  script; 

c)  the  Nabataean  script; 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         67 

Examples  of  the  ^^ Hebrew  square  script'^  are  es- 
pecially : 

a)  the  inscription  of  Ardk-el-Emir,  the  oldest  wit- 
ness   (180   B.C.); 

b)  the  Papyrus  Nash,  about  100  A.D.; 

c)  the  Codex  Babylonicus  PetropolitanuS,  about 
900  A.D.  Hence  it  cannot  be  true  that  Esdras 
(ca.  450  B.C.)  "invented"  the  "square  script,"  or 
that  he  transliterated  the  O.  T.  books  into  this 
medium.   (Jerome,  Prol.  Galeatus.) 

The  ^'old  Hebrew''  form  continued  in  use  until 
after  Christ.  About  130  A.D.,  coins  were 
stamped  with  "old  Hebrew"  letters  (Bar  Koch- 
ba). 

4.  It  is  probable  that  all  the  0.  T.  Hebrew  books  were 
written  originally  in  **old  Hebrew"  script,  Ecclesiasti- 
cus  excepted,  which  may  have  been  in  ''square  script'^ 
from  the  first. 

5.  When  the  change  to  ''square  script''  took  place  is 
problematical. 

a)  The  LXX  (about  300)  certainly  translated /row 
"old  Hebrew"  script,  as  the  name  of  God  was  pre- 
served in  the  original  characters  even  at  the 
time  of  Origen,  who  attests  that  this  was  "old 
Hebrew"  (Sel.  in  Ps.  II.  Cf.  also  Jerome,  Prol. 
Galeat). 

b)  At  the  time  of  Christ  the  change  had  taken  place, 
for  in  Matth.  V,  18  the  Lord  speaks  of  the  "Iota" 
as  the  smallest  letter,  which  was  not  the  case  in 
"old  Hebrew." 


68      A  HANDBOOK  OP  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

6.  The  transliteration  doubtless  caused  numerous 
errors  in  the  text,  since  also  in  "old  Hebrew"  many- 
letters  can  easily  be  mistaken. 

7.  The  **old  Hebrew"  script  as  well  as  the  "square 
script"  originally  employed  only  consonants.  No 
earlier  than  the  6th-7th  century  A.D.  diacritical  signs 
were  introduced  through  punctuation  and  vocaliza- 
tion, by  the  two  schools 

a)  of  Tiberias  (vowels  mostly  sublinear); 

b)  of  Babylon  (vowels  supralinear). 

8.  The  Massora  is  the  text  of  the  Hebrew  O.  T., 
provided  with  critical  notes  on  the  external  form  of 
the  text  introduced  by  the  Massoretes,  i.e.,  scribes  of 
the  7th- 10th  century  A.D.  The  principal  school  was 
that  of  Tiberias,  with  the  famous  Ahron  ben  Asher 
(10th  cent.) 

a)  We  distinguish: 

a)  a  "Massora  parva,^*  where  the  Massoretic 
notes  are  given  on  the  side  margins, 

P)  and  a  ''Massora  magna,''  where  these  notes 
appear  on  the  lower  or  upper  margin,  or  at  the 
end  of  the  text.  The  notes  at  the  end  are  also 
called  ' '  Massora  finalis. ' ' 

b)  The  aim  of  the  Massoretes  was  not  to  reconstruct, 
but  to  preserve  the  text.  The  result  of  their  work 
was  a  stereotyped  text,  which,  however,  does  not 
always  exactly  reproduce  the  original.  Origen 
and  Jerome  must  have  had  before  them  a  text 
similar  to  the  Massora. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  69 

LITERATURE 

GiNSBURG,  The  Massorah,  Compiled  from  Manuscripts,  1880  ff. 
GiNSBURG,  Introduction  to  the  Massoretico- Critical  Edition  of  the 

Holy  Bible,  1897. 
Kahle,  Der  masoretische  Text  des  A.  T.,  1902. 

9.  The  Samaritan  Pentateuch.  Quoted  by  the  Fathers 
asT6TwvSapLap£iTGJvEPpatx6v.  It  was  believed  to  be 
lost,  until  1616,  when  Pietro  della  Valle  brought 
three  MSS.  with  this  text  to  Rome.  Its  language 
is  Hebrew,  but  the  script  is  Samaritan,  i.e.,  like  the 
"old  Hebrew.**  Obviously  the  Samaritans  received 
this  collection  about  700  B.C.  (certainly  not  after 
the  Babylonian  captivity,  when  they  would  not 
have  accepted  it  from  the  Jews,  who  by  that  time 
had  become  their  enemies). 

literature 
MoRiNUS,    Exercitationes   in    utrumque   Samaritanorum    Penta- 

teuchum,  1631. 
Gall,  Der  hebrdische  Pentateuch  der  Samaritaner,  1914-18. 

in.  The  Division  of  the  O.  T.  Hebrew  Text. 

Already  before  Christ  the  O.  T.  books  were  divided 
into  sections  for  liturgical  purposes. 
1.  The   Pentateuch    was    distributed    into    pericopes, 
called  Parashoth. 

a)  The  Babylonian  Jews  counted  ^4  Parashoth  oi  the 
Pentateuch,  as  the  Pentateuch  was  to  be  read  on 
the  Sabbaths  during  one  year ; 

b)  The  Palestinian  Jews  154,  apportioning  the  read- 
ings from  the  book  over  three  years. 

There  are  to  be  distinguished  the  ^'open''  Para- 
sha,  which  starts  with  a  new  Hne;  and  the  ''closed'* 
Parasha,  which  begins  within  the  line. 


70      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

2.  The  lessons  of  the  Nebi'im  (cf.  Acts  XIII,  15)  were 
called  Haphtaroth,  and  formed  the  conclusion  of  the 
Sabbath  service. 

3.  A  division  into  sense-chapters  and  sense-verses  may 
also  be  mentioned,  which  preceded  the  later  division 
into  chapters  and  verses.  They  were  not  numbered, 
but  added  together  at  the  end  of  the  books. 

4.  The  division  into  chapters,  as  we  now  have  it,  was  in- 
troduced into  the  Hebrew  Bible  by  Isaak  Nathan^ 
1448. 

Bomberg's  edition,  1521,  is  the  first  printed  He- 
brew Bible  with  chapters. 

5.  The  first  complete  Hebrew  edition  with  the  division 
into  verses  is  that  of  Jos.  Athias,  1661.  A  similar 
division  had  been  introduced  by  Sabbioneta  into  his 
edition  of  the  Psalms,  as  early  as  1556. 

6.  The  principle  of  dividing  the  whole  Bible  into  chapters 
is  to  be  traced  back  to  Stephen  Langton  (1228),  who 
introduced  it  first  into  the  Latin  Bible.  The  verse- 
division  was  used  in  the  whole  Latin  Bible  for  the 
first  time  by  Robert  Stephan,  1555. 

IV.  The  Hebrew  Manuscripts  of  the  O.  T. 

LITERATURE 

Strack,  Prolegomena  Critica  in  Vetus  Testamentum,  1873. 
GiNSBURG,  Introduction  to  the  Massoretico-Critical  Edition  of  the 
Hebrew  Bible,  1897. 

1.  The  MSS.  of  the  Hebrew  0.  T.  are  divided  into  two 
classes: 

a)  the  public,  liturgical  or  synagogal  MSS. ;  they  have 
the  form  of  scrolls,   are  beautifully  written  in 
^'square  script''  without  vowels,  and  never  present 
HBRARY  y      the  whole  of  the  0.  T, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         71 

b)  the  private  MSS.;  they  are  written  in  a  cursive, 
the  so-called  rabbinical  form,  and  seldom  give  the 
entire  0.  T. 

2.  They  are  very  numerous,  but  unfortunately  none 
earlier  than  the  10th  cent. 

The  oldest  MS.  of  916  A.D.,  containing  the 
Prophets,  was  discovered  in  1839  in  the  Crimea 
and  edited  by  Strack,  Prophetarum  Posteriorum 
Codex  Babylonicus  Petropolitanus,  1876. 

The  Papyrus  Nash,  known  since  1902,  belongs 
to  the  2nd  cent.  A.D.  and  contains  Ex.  XX,  2-17. 

3.  Needless  to  say,  all  the  Hebrew  MSS.  contain  the 
Massoretic  text. 

4.  The  originally  Greek  parts  of  the  O.  T.  are  usually 
found  only  in  MSS.  of  the  Greek  version. 

V.  The  Versions  of  the  O.  T. 
1.  The  Greek  Version. 

LITERATURE 

SwETE,  The  0.  T.  in  Greek,  1909. 
Hatch-Redpath,  Concordance  to  the  LXX,  1888  flF. 
Brooke-McLean,  The  Old  Testament  in  Greek,  1906  ff. 
Rahlfs,  Septuagintastudien,  1904. 
A  critical  edition  of  the  LXX  by  the  "Gottinger  Gesellschaft  der 
Wissenschaften"  is  in  preparation. 

a)  The  Septuagint,  or  ^'Alexandrian  Version,"  called 
by  Jerome  the  "vulgata  editio,'*  is  named  "Septua- 
gint" in  reference  to  the  legend  connected  with  the 
translation  of  the  Pentateuch  for  the  Jewish 
colony  in  Egypt  (Alexandria),  about  300  B.C. 
a)  An  unauthentic  letter  of  Aristeas  (cf.  O.  T. 
Apocrypha)    tells    us    that    the    High    Priest 


72      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Eleazer  of  Jerusalem,  upon  the  request  of  King 
Ptolemaeus  II  (285-247),  sent  72  scholars  to 
Egypt  to  trans-late  the  Pentateuch  into  Greek. 
According  to  Philo  and  the  Talmud  they  trans- 
lated the  whole  O.  T.  The  investigations  of 
Vives  (1540)  and  Scaliger  (1609)  have  shown 
the  letter  to  be  a  forgery. 

Cf.  for  the  Aristeas  Letter,  Swete,  Introduction  to  the  O.   T., 
Appendix. 

^)  The  historical  kernel  of  the  Aristeas  legend  is 
that,  under  Ptolemy  Soter  (305-285),  the  Penta- 
teuch was  turned  into  Greek  for  the  Jewish 
colonists  in  Egypt.  After  that  the  O.  T.  trans- 
lation was  continued.  At  about  130  B.C.,  when 
.  _  Sirach  translated  the  Book  of  Proverbs  of  his 
grandfather,  all  O.  T.  Hebrew  books  had  been 
translated. 

Philo,  Fl.  Josephus,  the  N.  T.  writers,  and  the 
Patristic  writers  all  depend  on  the  LXX. 

y)  The  LXX  version  is  not  oj  equal  value  for  all 
parts  of  the  O.  T.  Sometimes  the  rendering  is 
so  free  as  to  be  rather  a  paraphrase.  But  sub- 
stantially it  agrees  with  the  Massoretic  text. 
The  best  work  has  been  done  in  the  Pentateuch, 
v/hile  Daniel  is  so  inferior  that  since  Irenaeus 
it  has  been  supplanted  by  the  translation  of 
Theodotion. 

b)  The  Translation  of  Aquilas  of  Sinope.  The  great 
authority  which  the  Septuagint  enjoyed  among 
Christians  caused  its  rejection  by  the  Jews,  who 
proscribed  its  liturgical  use.     The  annual  com- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         73 

memoration  of  the  LXX  translation  became  a  day 
of  mourning.  Therefore  the  proselyte  Aquilas  of 
5iwo/?e,  a  relative  [?)  of  Emperor  Hadrian  (1 1 7-138), 
essayed  another  translation.  It  is  a  slavish  imi- 
tation of  the  Hebrew  original.  Only  fragments  are 
preserved. 

c)  The  Translation  of  Theodotion.  At  the  time  of 
Emperor  Commodus  (180-92),  about  185  A.D., 
Theodotion  of  Ephesus,  also  a  Jewish  proselyte, 
published  a  new  rendering,  which  is  practically  a 
reedition  of  the  LXX  and  intended  to  harmonize 
that  text  with  the  original.  His  text  of  Daniel 
completely  displaced  that  of  the  LXX,  also  in 
Christian  circles.  Nothing  but  fragments  have 
come  down  to  us,  the  book  of  Job  alone  being 
preserved  complete. 

d)  The  Translation  of  Symmachus.  At  the  time  of 
Emperor  Septimius  Severus  (193-211)  the  Ebionite 
Symmachus  turned  the  Hebrew  Bible  into  classical 
Greek,  paying,  however,  closer  attention  to  the 
sense  than  to  the  letter.  We  have  only  fragments 
of  his  work. 

There  is  a  tradition  of  a  5  th  and  6th  translation 
which  seems  to  be  confirmed  by  occasional  traces. 

e)  The  Hexapla  and  Tetrapla  of  Origen,  228-45,  is 
the  most  famous  Biblical  work  of  antiquity.  The 
textual  discrepancies  in  the  former  translations 
prompted  Origen  to  publish  a  synopsis  of  the 
Hebrew  text  together  with  the  various  Greek 
translations  in  6  parallel  columns  in  this  order : 


74      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

1.  col. — Hebrew  text  in  "square  script**; 

2.  col. — Hebrew  text  in  Greek  majuscules; 

3.  col. — text  of  Aquilas; 

4.  col. — text  of  Symmachus; 

5.  col. — text  of  the  LXX; 

6.  col. — text  of  Theodotion. 

For  the  demarcation  of  textual  differences  he 
uses  the  critical  signs  of  the  obelus  and  asterisk. 
The  parts  missing  in  the  LXX,  when  placed  beside 
the  Hebrew  original,  are  supplied  from  the  version 
of  Theodotion  and  marked  with  an  asterisk, 
whereas  the  obelus  is  used  in  cases  where  the  LXX 
did  not  render  the  original  verbatim. 

Sometimes  the  5  th  and  6th  Greek  translations 
are  added,  hence  the  names  Heptapla  and  Octapla. 

Origen  himself  made  an  extract  from  his  larger 
work,  containing  only  Aquilas,  Symmachus,  LXX, 
and  Theodotion,  which  is  called  Tetrapla. 

Up  to  600  A.D.  the  great  Biblical  works  of 
Origen  were  preserved  in  the  library  of  Cesarea, 
where  St.  Jerome  saw  and  consulted  them.  Of 
their  subsequent  fate  we  have  no  knowledge. 
The  Hexapla  is  extensively  drawn  upon  by  the 
Greek  Patristic  writers. 

LITERATURE 

Field,  Origenis  Hexaplorum  quae  super  sunt,  1867-75. 

f)  The  Hexaplaric  Recension  of  the  LXX,  i.e.,  the 
LXX  text  in  Origen's  Hexapla,  enjoyed  great  au- 
thority and  was  given  wide  publicity,  esp.  by  Pam- 
philus  and  Eusebius.  It  finally  supplanted  all 
other  Greek  versions  in  Palestine  and  Asia  Minor. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         75 

g)  The  Revision  of  the  LXX  by  Lucianus  and  He- 
sychius.  According  to  Jerome  {Apol.  adv.  Ruf., 
II,  27),  Hesychius  of  Egypt  and  Lucianus  of 
Antioch  published  a  revised  and  amended  LXX 
text,  not  long  after  Origen  (about  300) .  Investiga- 
tions of  these  important  undertakings  are  under 
way. 

Changes  and  emendations  in  these  LXX  re- 
censions increased  so  much  that  in  the  5th  cent, 
hardly  one  of  them  was  preserved  in  its  original 
form. 

Greek  MSS.  of  the  0.  T. 

For  the  Greek  MSS.  of  the  O.  T.  cf.  above 
"Single  MSS."  of  the  N.  T.  Of  special  importance 
fortheO.  T.  are«,A,B,C. 

2.  The  Samaritan  Pentateuch. 

Besides  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  in  Hebrew  we 
have  a  translation  of  it  in  Samaritan,  i.e.,  an  Aramaic 
dialect  of  Samaria.  It  is  known  since  1616,  when 
Pietro  delta  Valle  brought  it  from  Damascus  to  Rome. 
Servile  adherence  to  the  Hebrew  original  is  its 
feature,  while  it  abounds  in  mistakes  and  shows  so 
many  later  changes  that  it  is  quite  hopeless  to  ascer- 
tain the  original.  References  in  the  Hexapla  to 
t6  Sa^apeiTi/cov  prove  conclusively  that  it  was 
known  to  Origen.  According  to  the  Samaritan 
tradition  we  owe  it  to  the  Samaritan  priest  Natha- 
nael  (20  B.C.). 

It  probably  served  as  a  pattern  for  the  Arabic 
version  of  the  Pentateuch  by  Abu  Said  (10th  cent.) 


76      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

LITERATURE 

NUTT,  Fragments  of  a  Samaritan  Targum,  etc.,  1874. 
Winer,  De  Versionis  Pentateuchi  Samaritanae  Indole,  1817. 
Petermann,  Pentateuchus  Samaritamis,  1872-91. 

3.  The  Aramaic  Versions — Targumim. 

They  were  necessitated  by  the  fact  that  the  Jews 
of  Palestine  and  Babylon  in  course  of  time  had  ceased 
to  understand  the  original  Hebrew.  The  transla- 
tion, with  paraphrases  of  certain  passages,  was  at 

-  £rst  given  orally  in  the  Synagogue,  but  finally  ex- 
tended over  the  whole  O.  T.  and  was  taken  down  in 
writing.  Such  are  the  Targumim,  i.e.  paraphrases. 
Their  underlying  text  agrees  essentially  with  the 

i.  .    Massora. 

'  Their  date  is  uncertain,  but  they  possibly  existed 

already  at  the  time  of  Christ,  and  are  known  for 
certain  to  antedate  the  7th  cent.,  as  they  are  written 

r     without  vowel  signs. 

:i  literaturl 

De  Lagarde,  Prophetae  Chaldaice,  1872. 
Jewish  Encyclopedia,  Art.  "Targum." 

We  possess : 
a)  The  Targum  of  Onkelos  to  the  Pentateuch.    It  is 

the  oldest  Targum  and  adheres  scrupulously  to  the 
Hebrew  text;  the  author  is  unknown,  "Onkelos'* 
being  mentioned  as  such  by  a  later  mistaken  tradi- 
tion (9th  cent.).     The   date  is  probably  the  first 
•  century  A.D.    The  Peshitta  is  influenced  by  this 
Targum.    The  place  of  composition  is  Palestine, 
•  '>  ■    but  it  was  generally  accepted  in  Babylonia.    The 
\  •  -   final  redaction  took  place  in  the  5th  cent. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         77 

LITERATURE 

Berliner,  Tar  gum  Onkelos,  1895. 

Brederek,  Concordanz  zum  Targum  Onkelos,  1906. 

b)  The  Targum  of  Jonathan  to  the  Prophets,  i.e., 

to  Josue,  Judges,  the  Books  of  Samuel,  Kings, 

Prophets  (except  Daniel).     This  likewise  follows 

the  Hebrew  text  closely.    Of  its  author  we  know 

only  the  name.     It  depends  on  the  Targum  of 

Onkelos  and  seems  to  have  been  originally  written 

not  long  after  the  latter,  i.e.,  in  the  2nd  cent. 

The  final  redaction  dates  from  the  5th  cent. 

literature 
De  Lagarde,  Prophetae  Prior es  et  Posterior es  Chaldaice,  1872. 

To  the  6th-7th  cent,  belong: 

c)  The  anon3mious  Targum  to  the  Psalms,  Proverbs, 
and  Job.  The  debased  language  and  ridiculous 
legends  contained  in  it  point  to  a  later  period. 

d)  The  anonymous  Targum  to  the  5  Megilloth,  i.e., 
Canticle  of  Canticles,  Ruth,  Lamentations,  Esther, 
Ecclesiastes. 

e)  The  Targum  of  Jerusalem  to  the  Pentateuch  (in 
three  different  forms).     Date:  after  600  A.D. 

4.  The  Syriac  Version. 

literature 
Duval,  La  Literature  Syriaque,  1907. 

The  Syriac  language  is  an  Aramaic  dialect,  i.e.,  the 
language  of  the  Christian  Arameans  (esp.  the  in- 
habitants of  the  country  around  the  Lebanon  and 
of  Mesopotamia). 

Christianity  in  Syria  had  its  beginnings  in  Apos- 
tolic times.    This  is  the  historical  background  of  the 


78      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

alleged    correspondence    between    King    Abgar    of 
Edessa  and  Christ. 
Cf.  TlXEROi^TfLesOriginesderEglised'^desse  etlaLtgended'Ahgar, 
1888. 

a)  The  Peshitta  follows  the  Hebrew  original,  but 
cannot  be  called  literal,  as  it  merely  renders  the 
sense.  Very  often  it  amounts  to  a  paraphrase  of 
the  original  text,  especially  in  difficult  passages. 
The  varying  character  of  the  translation  (some- 
times literal,  sometimes  paraphrastic)  points  to 
different  translators.  The  date  of  the  translation 
is  probably  the  2nd  century  of  the  Christian  era. 
Ephrem  and  Aphraates  use  it. 

Originally  it  contained  only  the  proto-canonical 
books;  except  Chronicles,  Esdras,  Nehemias,  and 
Esther,  which  were  added  hejore  the  fourth 
century,  as  is  evident  from  the  quotations  of 
Ephrem.  MSS.  of  the  6th  century  also  bear 
witness  to  the  deutero-canonical  books. 

The  Peshitta  MSS.  are  numerous  and  of  early 
date,  some  of  them  going  back  to  the  5th  century, 

EDITIONS 

Ceriani,  Translatio  Syra  Peshitto   Veteris  Testamenti  ex  Codice 

Amhrosiano,  etc.,  1876-83. 
De  La  garde,  Veteris  Testamenti  Apocryphi  Syriace,  1861    (the 

deutero-canonical  books). 
Barnes,  The  Peshitta  Psalter,  1905. 

b)  The  Syra  Philoxeniana.  The  Syriac  Jacobites, 
after  their  separation  from  the  Orthodox  Church, 
rejected  the  Peshitta.  By  order  of  Bishop  Phi- 
loxenus  of  Mabug,  Polycarp  furnished  a  new 
translation,  a  literal  rendition  of  his  Greek  copy. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  79 

We  have  no  more  of  it  than  fragments  (published 
by  Ceriani). 

d)  The  Syriac  Hexapla,  i.e.,  the  Syriac  version  of  the 
Hexapla  of  Origen,  was,  according  to  Barhebraeus 
(1286),  produced  by  Paul  of  Telia,  about  618,  in 
Alexandria. 

It  is  a  slavish  re-cast  of  the  Greek  text  of  the 
LXX .  Andreas  Masius  (1573)  was  the  first  to  call 
attention  to  this  version. 

EDITIONS 

De  Rossi,  Specimen  Ineditae  et  Hexaplaris  Bibliorum  Versionis 

Syroesthranghelae,  1878. 
De  Lagarde,  Veteris  Testamenti  Graeci  in  Sermonem  Syriacum 

Versi  Fragmenta  Octo,  1892. 

e)  The  Peshitta  Revision  of  Jacob  of  Edessa  (708). 

Fragments  only  remain. 

f)  The  Palestinian  Version  dates  from  the  4th-6th 
cent. 

Edition:  A.  S.  Lewis,  A  Palestinian  Syriac Lectionary,  containing 
Lessons  from  the  Pentateuch,  etc.,  Cambridge,   1897. 

5.  The  Latin  Version. 
a)  The  pre-Jeromic  Latin  version  was  based  on  the 
text  of  the  LXX  and  is  preserved  in  our  O.  T. 
Vulgate  by  the  Psalms,  Baruch,  Wisdom,  Ecclesias- 
ticus,  Maccabees — the  Psalms  being  revised  by 
St.  Jerome.  There  is  likelihood  that  this  version 
existed,  at  least  in  part,  as  early  as  the  second 
century,  for  about  200  A.D.  it  is  clearly  pre- 
supposed in  the  letter  of  the  Christians  of  Vienne 
and  Lyons  to  those  of  Asia  and  Phrygia.  The 
author  used  a  Latin  text  of  the  Bible.  It  is 
also   attested   by   the   Latin   translation   of   the 


80      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Epistle  of  Barnabas  (c.  185)  and  by  the  translation 
of  Irenaeus,  Adv.  Haer.,  which  was  made  soon 
after  the  completion  of  the  Greek  original. 

Third-century  witnesses  are  TertuUian,  Cyp- 
rian, and  Novatian;  of  the  fourth  century,  Hilary, 
Augustine,  Jerome. 

LITERATURE 

Sabatier,  Bihliorum  Sacr.  Lat.  Vers.  Antiquae,  1743-49. 
Cf.  Text  oi  the  N.  T. 

b)  The  Vulgate,  the  work  of  Jerome,  as  a  translation 

from  the  Hebrew  original,  embraces: 

a)    all  the  proio-canonical  books  except  the  Psalms ; 

P)    the  deutero-canonical  books  Tobias  and  Judith 

and   the   deutero-canonical   parts   of   Daniel 

(according  to  the  translation  of  Theodotion), 

and  of  Esther  (according  to  the  LXX).  This 

work  was  completed  390-405  A.D. 

The  Psalter  was  revised  twice  by  Jerome : 
a')  ThQ  first  revision  according  to  the  LXX  (ab. 
384)  is  called  Psalterium  Romanum,  and  is  still 
in  use  in  St.  Peter's,  Rome,  in  theAmbrosian 
Liturgy,  in  the  Roman  Missal,  and  partly  in 
the  Breviary. 

P')  The  second  revisio?t  (386-92)  is  called  the 
Psalterium  Gallicanum-,  and  was  made  chiefly 
according  to  Origen's  Hexapla.  It  is  preserved 
in  the  Vulgate  and  in  the  Roman  Breviary. 

Job,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastcs,  Canticle  of  Canticles, 
and  Chronicles  were  also  revised  by  St.  Jerome, 
before  he  made  his  new  translation.    But  with  the 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT  81 

exception  of  the  prologues  of  these  books  and  Job, 
St.  Jerome's  revision  of  them  is  lost. 
The  guiding  principles  of  St.  Jerome  were: 

1)  faithful,  but  not  servile,  translation; 

2)  preservation  of  the  traditional  form,  wher- 
ever possible. 

His  version  must  be  considered  the  best  and  most 
valuable  of  all  translations.  For  the  later  history 
of  the  Vulgate  cf.  text  of  the  N.  T. 

6.  The  Coptic  Version. 

The  O.  T.  was  translated  into  thQ  five  different  dia- 
lects of  Coptic,  i.e.,  theSahidic,  Achmimic,  Fajjiimic, 
Memphitic,  and  Bohairic.  The  most  important  are 
the  Sahidic  and  Bohairic  versions .  They  were  made , 
independently,  from  the  Greek  text  and  contain  the 
proto-canonical  as  well  as  the  deutero-canonical 
books.  They  are  ascribed  to  the  2nd  or  3d 
century. 

LITERATURE 

Ciasca-Balestri,  Sacrorum  Bibliorum  Fragmenta  Copto-Sahidica, 
1885-1909. 

7.  The  Ethiopia  Version. 

It  contains  the  proto-  and  the  deutero-canonical 
books  of  the  O.  T.,  except  Maccabees,  and  the  apoc- 
rypha IV  Esdras,  Jubilees,  and  Henoch.  Esdras 
and  Nehemias,  originally  wanting,  were  added  later. 
This  version  is  based  on  the  LXX  text,  perhaps  the 
revision  of  Lucian,  and  dates  back  to  the  4th  or  5th 
century. 

LITERATURE 

LiTTMANN,  Bibliotheca  Abessinica,  ^05  ff. 
Dii.lmann's  critical  elition,  beginni.i^  1853. 
Heider,  Die  Ethiopische  Bibeliibersetzung,  1902  ff, 


82      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

8.  The  Gothic  Version. 

It  is  the  work  of  the  Gothic  bishop  Ulfilas  (376) 
and  comprised  perhaps  all  O.  T.  books.  It  faith- 
fully copies  the  LXX  text,  i.e.,  the  recension  of 
Lucian. 

The  best  MSS.,  i.e.,  the  Codex  Argenteus,is  now 
in  the  University  Library  at  Upsala. 
Edition:  Stamm-Wrede,  1908. 

9.  The  Armenian  Version. 

This  version  was  produced  in  the  5th  century 
from  a  Greek  copy  that  had  been  sent  to  the  Ar- 
menians by  the  Council  of  Ephesus,  431,  and  con- 
tained also  the  deutero-canonical  books.  It  is  an 
exact  translation  of  the  Hexapla,  but  Daniel  is 
rendered  according  to  Theodotion. 

An  edition  of  the  whole  Armenian  Bible  was  pub- 
lished by  Zohrab,  1860.  A  new  edition  was  under- 
taken by  the  Armenian  Patriarchate,  Constantinople, 
1892  ff. 

10.  The  Georgian  Version. 

It  is  based  on  the  Armenian  version  and  dates 
back  to  the  5th  century. 

11.  The  Arabic,  Slavic  and  Persian  versions  are  of 
later  date  and  of  minor  importance  for  the  investiga- 
tion of  the  original  text. 
Cf.  TextoftheN.T. 

VL  The  Printed  Text  of  the  O.  T. 

LITERATURE 

Pick,  History  of  the  Printed  Editions  of  the  0,  T.,  Hebraica,  1892-93. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  BIBLICAL  TEXT         83 

1.  The  Older  Hebrew  Prints. 

a)  The  first  complete  print  of  the  Hebrew  0,  T.  ap- 
peared in  1488  (Soncino). 

b)  The  first  Hebrew  0.  T.  printed  by  Christians  ap- 
peared in  the  Polyglot  of  Cardinal  Ximenes,  1517. 

c)  Worthy  of  mention  are  the  Rabbinic  Bibles  (Bom- 
berg's  Bibles),  Venice,  1518  ff. 

d)  Also  the  edition  of  van  der  Hooght  (1705),  on 
which  are  based  the  Polyglots  of  Stier-Theile  and 
Vigouroux. 

2.  A  reliable  critical  edition  of  the  Hebrew  O.  T.  is 
still  a  desideratum.  The  printed  texts  represent  the 
Textus  Massoreticus. 

The  best  edition  is  Kittel's  Biblia  Hebraica,  1909. 
Important  is  P.  Haupt,  A  Critical  Edition  oj  the 
Hebrew  Text  Printed  in  Colors,  etc.,  1893  ff^ 

3.  The  best  edition  of  the  Greek  O,  T.  is: 

Swete,  The  Old  Testament  in  Greek,  1909. 
The  originally  Greek  parts  of  the  O.  T.  are  always 
given  together  with  the  Greek  editions  of  the  O.  T. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  CANON  OF  THE  BIBLE 

A.    The  Canon  of  the  New  Testament 

LITERATURE 

E.  Jacquier,  Le  N.  T.  dans  VEglise  Chretienne,  Paris,  1911. 

P.  Dausch,  Derneutestamentliche  Kanon,  Munster,  1910. 

Th.   Zahn,    Geschichte   des   neiitestamentlichen   Kanons,    2   vols., 

Leipzig,  1888-92,  and  Grundriss  der  Geschichte  des  nil.  Kanons^ 

1904. 
B.  F.  Westcott,  a  General  Survey  of  the  History  of  the  Canon  of  the 

New  Testament,  Cambridge,  1899. 
Mari,  II  Canone  Biblico,  Rome,  1906. 

1.  Notion. 

*0  xavwv  means  rule, measure;  in  a  figurative  sense: 
rule,  law,  list,  synopsis.  Since  the  4th  century  the 
term  is  used  to  designate  the  Bible  as  a  collection 
of  certain  books.  The  word  was  known  to  Origen. 
It  was  also  used  by  Latin  writers  for  the  libri 
canonici.  It  withdraws  the  Bible  from  profane  and 
apocryphal  books  and  connotes  inspiration.  Athan- 
asius  uses  xavovtl^oixeva  in  contrast  to  ixoxpucpa. 

2.  Origin  of  the  N.  T.  Books. 

The  O.  T.  was  regarded  by  Christ  and  the  Apostles 
as  a  source  of  infallible  truth,  because  of  its  inspired 
character.  Proof  of  this  are  the  many  references  in 
the  N.  T.  to  the  fulfillment  of  the  O.  T.  as  of  the  words 
of  God  (Matth.  II,  17,  Rom.  I,  2,  Hebr.  I,  1  ff.,  etc.). 
The  Apostles  spread  the  N.  T.  doctrines  at  first  by 
word  of  mouth;  their  teaching  reflected  the  authority 
84 


THE  CANON  OF  THE  BIBLE  85 

of  Christ.  Following  the  wider  propagation  of  the  new 
religion,  the  words  and  deeds  of  Christ  were  written 
down  ( Luke  1,1).  The  need  of  correspondence  between 
the  Apostles  and  the  newly  established  communities 
brought  forth  Apostolic  epistles.  Thus  the  Gospels 
and  Epistles  of  the  N.  T.  came  into  existence.  Besides, 
St.  John  wrote  an  Apocalypse. 

3.  Character  of  the  N.  T.  Books. 

All  these  writings  were  regarded  as  divinely  inspired 
like  the  books  of  the  O.  T.,  —  Tpa?^  Gsoxvsujxoq 
(II  Tim.  Ill,  16);  the  writers  themselves  as  6x6 
xveu[jLaTO(;  ayfou  (pspo^svoi  (II  Pet.  I,  21). 

4.  Distinction  of  the  N.  T.  Books. 

Therefore  the  books  of  the  N.  T.  were  sharply  dis- 
tinguished from  profane  books.  Tertullian  voices 
this  by  speaking  of  a  ''Novum  Testamentum  { Instru- 
ment um).'' 

a)  This  distinction  found  multiform  expression,  as : 

a)  by  w;  YlvpaxTat;  as  Barnabas  IV,  14  quotes 
Matth.  XXII,  14; 

^)  by  6  xupiog  Xsyet;  e.g.,  Didache  VIII,  2; 

t)  by  Y)  Tpacp-?]  \t{zi;e.g.,  II  Clement  II,  4; 

6)  by  invoking  the  N.  T.  books  as  the  highest  au- 
thority in  controversies;  e.g.,  lgna,tms,  Ad.  Eph. 
XII,  2. 

b)  The  norms  of  distinction  were : 

a)  above  all  Apostolicity,  be  it  direct,  as  in  the  case  of 
St.  Matthew,  or  indirect,  as  in  the  case  of  Mark 
or  Luke.  Heretical  and  apocryphal  books  claimed 
Apostolic  origin   to  facilitate   their   recognition 


86      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

(Eusebius,  H.  E.,  XXV,  6).  But  this  was  not 
the  exclusive  mark.  The  belief  in  the  ''charisma 
prophetiae''  (I.  Cor.  XII  and  XIV),  which  was 
bestowed  also  upon  non- Apostles,  sometimes 
admitted  other  pious  writings  to  be  regarded  as 
inspired  (as,  e.g.j  the  "Epistle  of  Barnabas," 
the  "Pastor  Hermae,"  and  others). 
P)  the  contents  and  the  ecclesiastical  W5^  of  these  books 
during  divine  service  became  a  further  basis  of 
distinction. 

5.  The  Beginnings  of  the  Collection. 

a)  Practical  reasons.  The  first  Apostolic  writings  cir- 
culated from  community  to  community  (Col.  IV,  16). 
The  result  was  a  desire  to  have  a  collection  of  them. 
The  first  steps  towards  this  may  be  traced  in  II  Pet. 
Ill,  15  (reference  to  a  collection  of  Pauline  Epistles). 
Thus  provision  would  be  made  for  their  reading  dur- 
ing the  divine  service.  Justin,  +  about  166,  (ApoL, 
I,  67)  speaks  of  the  reading  of  the  diuojxvrjtioveutxaTa 
Twv  dxocjToXwv,  which  were  called  euayylXta. 
Ignatius  (+107)  implies  some  sort  of  collection 
(Ad.  Eph.  XII,  2)  when  he  mentions  Epistles  of  St. 
Paul  as  known  to  the  Ephesians,  though  originally 
not  addressed  to  them.  Tatian's  Diatessaron  repre- 
sents a  collection  of  the  four  Gospels. 

b)  Apologetic  reasons.  Soon  the  heretics  attempted  to 
mutilate  the  various  books,  to  discard  some  of  them 
and  replace  them  by  apocryphal  Gospels,  Acts,  and 
Epistles.  Thus  Marcion's  Gospel  consisted  (cf.  Ter- 
tuUian,  Adv.  Marc.  IV,  5)  of  a  revised  text  of  Luke ;  his 
Apostolicum  of  Gal.,  I  and  II  Cor.,  Rom.,  I  and 


THE  CANON  OF  THE  BIBLE  87 

II  Thess.,  the  Epistle  to  the  Laodiceans  (  =  Eph.), 
Col. ,  Phil . ,  Philem.  Tatian  rejected  some  of  the  Paul- 
ine Epistles.  The  Montanists  composed  new  books 
and  called  them  inspired.  All  of  which  prompted 
counter-measures  on  the  part  of  the  Church,  officially 
establishing  her  list  of  sacred  books. 

6.  Contents  of  the  N.  T.  Canon  before  Athanasius. 

It  was  not  yet  authoritative,  but  reflected  to  some 
extent  private  opinions. 

a)  The  Canon  Muratorianus  (170),  discovered  by 
Muratori  in  the  Ambrosian  Library  at  Milan,  is  a 
document  of  prime  importance.  This  list  of  the 
N.  T.  books  tallies  with  our  present  canon  but  for 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  the  Epistle  of  St.  James, 
and  probably  I  and  II  Peter,  which  are  missing. 
Besides  it  includes: 

a)  The  "Apocalpyse  of  Peter"  with  the  remark: 
"quam  quidam  ex  nostris  legi  in  ecclesia  nolunt.'" 
P)  The   Pastor    Hermae,  which  is  sanctioned  for 
private  reading,  but  not  for  official  use. 
Certain   heretical   and   apocryphal   books   are   re- 
pudiated.    (Text  of  the  C.  M.  injra,  pp.  181  sqq.) 

b)  Irenaeus  (+202)  recognizes  the  Corpus  Evangelicum, 
the  Corpus  Paulinum  (except  the  Epistle  to  Phile- 
mon), and  I  Peter,  I  John,  Acts,  and  Apoc.  His 
silence  regarding  the  other  "Catholic  Epistles"  does 
not  prove  that  they  were  unknown  to  him.  He 
does  recognize  the  Pastor  Hermae  as  Ypacpif]  (Adv, 
Haer. ,1V, 20, 2). 

c)  Clement  of  Alexandria  (+215)  acknowledges  the 
four  Gospels,  the  Epistles  of  St.   Paul,  including 


88      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Hebrews,  Acts,  Apocalypse  and  the  "Catholic  Epis- 
tles," at  least  Jude,  I  Peter,  and  I  and  H  John. 

But  he  uses  also  the  ''Gospel  according  to  the 
Egyptians,''*  Pastor  Hermae,  Barnabas,  I  Clement. 
The  "Didache**  is  quoted  as  ypoccpr)  {Strom.,  I,  20, 
100).  The  ''Apocalypse  of  Peter''  and  the  '' Kerygma 
Petri'*  seem  also  to  belong  to  his  N.  T, 

d)  Origen  (+254),  expressly  states  as  marks  of  dis- 
tinction of  the  N.  T.  books  Apostolicity  and  the 
Tradition  of  the  Church  (in  loan.,  1,  4).  He  accepts 
the  four  Gospels,  the  Acts,  the  Pauline  Epistles  (inch 
Hebrews),  the  Apocalypse,  seven  Catholic  Epistles, 
but  leaves  James,  Jude,  H  and  HI  John  open  to  dis- 
cussion.    Cf.  In  Rom.,  IV,  8. 

He  protests  against:  a)  the  "Kerygma  Petri," 
P)  the  "Apocalypse  of  Peter";  while  he  accepts  the 
Pastor  Ilermae;  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas  he  calls  a 
"Catholic  Epistle."     (C.  Cels.,  I,  63.) 

e)  Eusebius  (about  324)  submits  a  canon  of  the  N.  T. 
books  according  to  the  ecclesiastical  tradition  =  xaxa 
T-^v  ^x7.XY]c:taaTt7.-f3V  xapaBoatv.  He  distinguishes 
(H.  £.,  Ill,  25): 

1)  6(jLoXoYou^£v(z  =  the  4  Gospels,  the  Acts,  the 
Pauline  Epistles,  inch  Hebrews,  I  John  and  I 
Peter,  and,  e'tys  a^oLvzit],  the  Apocalypse. 

2)  avTtXsyo^eva  =  James,  Jude,  II  Peter,  II  and 
III  John,  admitting  however  that  they  were 
recognized  by  "many." 

3)  v66a  =the  "Acts  of  Paul,"  the  Pastor  Hermae, 
the  "Apocal/pse  of  Peter,"  the  "Epistle  of  Bama- 


THE  CANON  OF  THE  BIBLE  S^ 

bas,"  the  Didache,  the  "Gospel  according  to  the 

Hebrews." 

These  last  books,  he  adds,  are  used  in  some  com- 
munities during  divine  service  and  are  partly  re- 
garded as  canonical. 

Eusebius  bases  his  division  upon  the  traditional 
opinion,  which  included  the  fact  that  the  "Catholic 
Epistles"  and  the  "Apocalypse"  did  not  meet  with 
universal  recognition.  They  were  not  accepted  in 
the  Syrian  Church,  as  is  evident  from  the  Doctrina 
Addaei,  from  quotations  of  Aphrahat,  and  from  a 
Syrian  list  of  N.  T.  books  composed  about  400 
(cf.  Zahn). 

Here  may  be  mentioned  Codex  Claromontanus  (D) 
(about  300-400)  which  contains  an  old  list  of  the 
N.  T.  books  without  Phil.,  I  and  H  Thess.,  and 
probably  Hebr.,  but  adds.  Barnabas,  the  Pastor 
Hermae,  the  Actus  Pauli,  and  the  Revelatio  Petri. 
f)  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  (about  348)  recognizes  all  N.  T. 
books,  except  the  Apocalypse,  as  GeoTrveujioi  rpa<^a^ 
{Cat.,  IV,  36.) 

Conclusions: 

Up  to  the  middle  of  the  4th  century  we  have  no  official 
and  therefore  no  exact  outline  of  the  N.  T.  Canon. 

1)  ThQ  fundamental  constituents  are  universally  recog- 
nized from  the  beginning  4  Gospels,  Acts,  13 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  I  Peter,  and  I  John. 

2)  The  rest:  James,  Jude,  II  and  III  John,  II  Peter, 
Hebr.,  and  Apocalypse  were  7iot  accepted  by  all. 
Reason: 

a)  partly  heretical  abuse,  as  in  the  case  of  Hebr. 


90      A  HANDBOOK  OF  v^CRlPTURE  STUDY 

and  Apoc.  Especially  the  latter  was  disputed 
since  Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  because  of  al- 
leged Chiliastic  errors  and  the  seeming  dif- 
ference in  style  from  the  Gospel  of  St.  John. 

b)  partly  the  apparent  insignificance  of  the  docu- 
ments, as  in  the  case  of  some  of  the  "Catholic 
Epistles." 

3)  Certain  religious  tracts  and  apocryphal  books 
enjoyed  canonical  respect  in  some  circles,  e.g.,  I 
Epistle  of  Clement,  Didache,  Pastor  Hermae, 
Barnabas,  Actus  Pauli,  etc. 

Reason:  Their  religious  contents  in  connection 
with  the  truth  that  the  ''dona  Spiritus  Sancti"  can 
be  given  also  to  non-Apostles. 

7.  Unoflficial  Canon  of  St.  Athanasius. 

The  decisive  factor  in  the  final  settlement  of  the  N.  T. 
Canon  was  the  39th  festival  letter  of  Bishop  Athanasius 
of  Alexandria  in  367.  His  is  exactly  the  Catholic 
Canon  of  today.  The  Apocalypse  is  accepted  among 
the  xavovtt^o^sva.  Didache  and  Pastor  Hermae  are 
expressly  rejected.  The  Canon  of  Athanasius  soon 
conquered  the  Orient. 

The  crucial  issues,  however,  were  still  the  Corpus 
Catholicum  and  the  Apocalypse,  and,  in  part,  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews. 

a.  The  "Corpus  Catholicum^'  was  entirely  rejecied  by 

Theodore  of  Mopsuestia.     Partly  also  by  the  Peshitta 

(containing  only  James,  I  Peter,  and  I  John),  whereas 

the  later  Philoxeniana  contains  the  whole  N.  T. 

In  the  Occident,  too,  some  doubts  still  prevailed. 


THE  CANON  OF  THE  BIBLE  91 

Thus  the  Canon  Mommsenianus  (360)  mentions 
only  the  three  Epistles  of  John,  I  and  II  Peter,  but 
not  James  and  Jude. 

b.  The  Apocalypse  was  disputed  in  the  Orient: 
a)  by  Cyril  of  Jerusalem ; 

h)   by  Gregory  of  Nazianzus; 

c)  by  Chrysostom; 

d)  in  the  disputed  appendix  of  the  59th  Canon  of  the 
Synod  of  Laodicea  (360); 

e)  also  by  the  Peshitta  (of.  Zahn.) 

It  is:  cz)  mentioned  by  Amphilochius  of  Iconium, 

P)  and  defended  by  Epiphanius  (Haer.,  51,  35). 
Under  the  influence  of  the  Occident  it  was  soon 
recognized  in  the  Orient  (since  the  5th  century). 
The  Trullan  Synod  (692)  approves  of  lists  both  with 
and  without  the  Apocalypse. 

c.  The  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  was  disputed  especially 
in  the  Occident^ 

a)  because  its  beginning  was  different  from  that  of 
the  other  Pauline  Epistles ;  and 

b)  because  of  the  seemingly  rigoristic  passage  VI, 
4-6:  Impossibility  of  repentance  for  those  who 
were    "enlightened"    and    "have   fallen    away." 

The  Canon  Mommsenianus  (360),  an  African  list 
of  the  N.  T.  books,  knows  "Epistolae  Joannis  tres" 
and  "Epistolae  Petri  duae,"  but  omits  Hebr.,  James » 
and  Jude. 

8.  The  Official  Canon. 

The  Canon  as  we  have  it  today  is  given  in  the 
first  official  decrees  of  the  Church. 


92      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

a)  The  Decretum  Gelasianum*  De  Lihris  Recipiendis 
et  N on- Recipiendis  contains  a  decree  by  a  Roman 
Council  held  in  382,  under  Pope  Damasus,  with  an 
Ordo  Scripiurarum  Novi  Testamenti.  It  attests 
the  whole  N.  T.  (14  Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  including 
Hebrews;  7  Catholic  Epistles,  but  with  this  distinc- 
tion: loannis  Apostoli  Epistola  una,  alterius  loannis 
Presbyteri  Epistolae  duae.)  The  third  successor  of 
Damasus,  Pope  Innocent  I,  in  his  letter  to  Ex- 
uperius  (405),  speaks  definitely,  in  contrast  to  the 
Decretum  Gelasianum,  of  "Epistolae  loannis  fres." 

b)  The  African  Church  in  three  councils  declared  at  the 
same  time  the  canonicity  of  all  N.  T.  books:  in  the 
Council  of  Hippo  (393)  and  the  two  Councils  of 
Carthage  (397,  419).  Hebr.  is  included.  The  two 
former  councils  publish  the  formula:  ''Pauli  Apostoli 
Epistolae  tredecim,  eiusdem  ad  Hebraeos  unaj" 
whereas  the  latter  council  plainly  writes:  "Pauli 
Apostoli  epistolae  quattuordecim."  Thus,  as  the 
influence  of  the  Occident  protc  :ted  the  A  pocalypse, 
so  the  influence  of  the  Orient  guarded  the  Epistle  to 
the  Hebrews. 

9.  Preservation  of  the  Canon. 

This  remained  essentially  the  official  Canon  for  the 
future  rnd  throughout  the  Middle  Ages.     Let  us  notice 
the  consequences  of  its  stormy  pre-official  history: 
a)  Junilius  Africafius  (6th  cent.)  distinguishes  in  the 

*  The  authenticity  of  the  decree  of  Damasus,  contained  in  this 
unauthentic  work,  can  hardly  be  denied,  voices  to  the  contrary  not- 
withstanding; cf.  Zahn,  Geschichte  des  Kanons;  Chapman,  en  the 
Decretum  Gelasianum,  Rroiie  Benedict.,  1913  (against  Dobgchutz). 


THE  CANON  OF  THE  BIBLE  93 

N.  T.  books  "perfectae*'  and  ^^ mediae  auctoritatis** 
and  means  by  the  latter  the  "antilegomena.*' 

b)  The  Codex  Fuldensis  (546)  adds  to  the  current  Canon 
a  15th  Epistle  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Laodiceans. 

c)  St.  John  of  Damascus  (754)  includes  in  his  Canon 
the  ''Canones  Apostolici'' 

d)  Sixtus  of  Siena  (1569)  declares  7  books  of  the  N.  T. 
as  ''deuterocanonici,''  an  expression  used  originally 
for  some  O.  T.  books;  cf.  Canon  of  the  O.  T. 

10.  The  N.  T.  Canon  and  the  Reformation. 

A  new  danger  arose  for  the  Canon  from  the  Refor- 
mation. 

a)  Luther  rejected  Hebr.,  James,  Jude,  and  the  Apoc- 
alypse for  dogmatic  reasons ; 

b)  Karlstadt  tried  to  introduce  various  grades  of 
authority  for  the  different  books. 

1 1 .  Against  them  the  Council  of  Trent  (1 546)  confirmed  the 
old  official  Canon  by  the  Decretum  de  Canonicis 
Scripturis  (Sessio  IV) : 

i.  ''Deus  auctor  tarn  Veteris  quam  Novi  Testamenti.*^ 
ii.  The  N'ew  Testament  includes 

1.  The  4  Gospels, 

2.  The  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 

3.  14  Epistles  of  St.  Paul, 

4.  7  CathoHc  Epistles, 

5.  The  Apocalypse. 
In  other  words : 

1.  The  Corpus  Evangelicumt 

2.  The  Corpus  Paulinum, 

3.  The  Corpus  Catholicum, 


94      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

4.  Acts, 

5.  Apocalypse, 

or,  according  to  another  (liturgical)  division : 

1.  Evangeliumy 

2.  Apostolicum, 

iii.  These  are  canonical  books:  ''lihri  ipsi  integri  cum 
omnibus  suis  partihus,  prout  in  Ecclesia  Catholica 
legi  consueverunt,'' etc. 

12.  After  the  Council  of  Trent. 

1)  For  the  Catholic  Church  the  Canon  of  Trent  re- 
mained authoritative. 

2)  Some  Non- Catholics  are  in  full  agreement  with  it. 

3)  The  rest,  denying  in  the  main  the  inspiration  of 
S.  Scripture,  accepted  and  rejected  various  books 
according  to  private  judgment,  which  led  to  an 
inextricable  chaos. 

B.    The  Canon  of  the  Old  Testament 

LITERATURE 

Glationy,  Le  Commencement  du  Canon  de  VAncien  Testament, 

1906. 
Ryle,  The  Canon  of  the  0.  T.,  London,  1895. 
PoERTNER,    Vie    Autoritdt    der   deuterokanonischen    Biicher   des 

Alien  Testamentes,  1893. 
LoiSY,  Histoire  du  Canon  de  VAncien  Testament,  1890. 

I.  The  number  and  division  of  the  hooks  of  the  Catholic 
Canon  of  the  0.  T.  The  Catholic  Canon  includes  45 
books  according  to  the  list  of  the  Council  of  Trent 
(1546): 

1.  21  historical  books: 
a)  The  Pentateuch,  a  history  of  the  foundation  of  the 
Theocracy. 


THE  CANON  OF  THE  BIBLE  95 

b)  Josue,  Judges,  Ruth,  a  history  of  the  Theocracy 
before  the  Kings. 

c)  I -IV  Kings,  I -I  I  Paralipomena,  a  history  of  the 
theocratic  kingdom. 

d)  I-II  Esdras  (II=Nehemias),  Tobias,  Judith,  Esther, 
a  history  of  the  Exile  and  the  reconstruction 
period. 

e)  I-II  Maccabees,  a  history  of  the  struggle  for  in- 
dependence. 

2.  7  didactic  books:  Job,  Psalms,  Canticle  of  Canticles, 
Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Wisdom,  Ecclesiasticus. 

3.  17  prophetical  books: 

a)  the  Major  Prophets:  Isaias,  Jeremias  with  Lam- 
entations, Baruch,  Ezechiel,  Daniel. 

b)  the  Minor  Prophets:  Osee,  Joel,  Amos,  Abdias, 
Jonas,  Micheas,  Nahum,  Habacuc,  Sophonias,  Ag- 
geus,  Zacharias,  Malachias. 

II.  The  formation  of  the  O.  T.  Canon. 

1 .  The  principles  in  virtue  of  which  the  O.  T.  books  were 
collected  and  regarded  as  sacred,  are  not  exactly 
known  to  us.  The  fundamental  motive  of  canonicity 
was  doubtless  the  supernatural  origin  of  the  respec- 
tive books. 

2.  Thefact  of  the  existence  of  a  collection  is  beyond  doubt 
and  often  alluded  to  in  the  Sacred  Scriptures. 

a)  Deut.  XXXI,  9-14;  24-26  points  to  the  begin- 
ning of  a  collection. 

b)  Jos.  XXIV,  25  f.  to  a  further  addition  to  a  col- 
lection already  existing. 

c)  II  Par.  XXIX,  30  to  continued  additions. 


96      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

d)  Dan.  IX,  2  shows  that  the  Prophet  knew  of  the 
existence  of  a  collection. 

e)  The  N.  T.  writers  presuppose  the  O.  T.  collection 
as  a  matter  of  course  (cf.  Math.  XXII,  29;  Rom. 
I,  2 ;  Luke  XXIV,  44,  etc.) 

3.  There  is  no  confirmation  for  the  ordinarily  accepted 
view  that  Esdras  closed  the  O.  T.  Canon.  The  opin- 
ion is  current  only  since  Elias  Levita,  1549.  Cf. 
Pope,  ^' Aids''  to  the  Bible,  I. 

4.  The  preservation  of  the  collection  was  entrusted  to  an 
official  body  (cf.  Deut.  XXXI,  9;  XVII,  18),  which 
does  not  mean,  however,  that  an  official  text  was  in 
existence.  Such  a  text  did  not  exist  even  at  the 
time  of  Christ,  as  is  evident  from  the  O.  T.  quota- 
tions in  the  New  Testament. 

The  place  of  preservation  was  the  Holy  of  the 
Temple.  Cf.  IV  Kings  XXII,  8.  At  the  time  of  the 
second  Temple,  Nehemias  built  a  "Library"  which 
housed  the  sacred  books.     Cf.  II  Mace.  II,  13. 

5.  It  is  certain  that  at  the  close  of  the  2nd  century  B.C. 
all  the  O.  T.  books  mentioned  in  the  list  of  the 
Council  of  Trent  were  contained  in  the  Jewish  Canon. 
It  is  proved  by  the  LXX  Canon,  which  was  at  that 
time  identical  with  the  Jewish  Canon. 

6.  The  distinction  between  proto -canonical  and  deutero- 
canonical  books.  During  the  last  century  B.C. 
the  Jews  of  Palestine,  guided  by  the  opposition  of 
the  Pharisees  against  the  Hellenic- Jewish  collection, 
eliminated  from  the  existing  collection  of  sacred 
writings  a  number  of  books  as  inconsistent  with  the 


THE  CANON  OF  THE  BIBLE  97 

Law  of  Moses.  Yet  these  books  were  retained  in  the 
LXX,  which  presents  the  Hellenic- Jewish  Canon  of 
the  Jews  of  Egypt.  Since  Sixtus  of  Siena  (cf. 
Bibliotheca  Sancta,  I,  1),  the  books  of  this  opposi- 
tional Jewish  Canon  are  called  proto-canonical,  the 
additional  books  of  the  LXX  Canon,  deutero-canon- 
ical,  the  expressions  being  still  used  today,  and  also 
applied  to  some  N.  T.  books. 

As  criteria  of  canonicity  the  Jews  of  Palestine  re- 
quired : 

a.  Agreement  with  the  Law  of  Moses. 

b.  Origin  in  Palestine. 

c.  Great  age. 

The  Jewish  Canon  ^  represented  in  the  printed 
Hebrew  Bibles,  includes  39  books  {i.e.,  according 
to  the  original  counting,  in  which  a  number  of  books 
were  combined,  22-24  books),  which  follow  the  divi- 
sion of  the  Prologue  of  Eccli.  by  the  nephew  of 
Jesus  Sirach  (130  B.C.)  in: 

A.  The  Law — Pentateuch  =  n'^1n 

T 

B.  The  Prophets— the  prophetical  books  =  D"'J<''i:. 

C.  The  other  writings  Qiagiographa) :  the  historical 
and  didactical  books  =  D"'?*1^?,  but  without 
Tobias,  Judith,  Wisdom,  Ecclesiasticus,  Baruch, 
I-H  Maccabees,  and  parts  of  Daniel  and 
Esther.  This  Jewish  Canon  was  definitively 
fixed  by  a  council  of  Rabbis  held  at  Jamnia, 
ca.  100  A.D.  Some  of  the  books  now  called 
deutero-canonical,  however,  retained  their  former 
authority    almost    entirely,    e.g.,    Tobias   and 


98      A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Judith;   others    for   a  long  time,  e.g.,  Baruch, 
Wisdom,  Mace. 

a)  Flavins  Josephus  {C.  Ap.,l,  S)  gives  the  Jewish 
Canon  as  consisting  of  22  books.  But  it  is  difficult 
to  say  which  books  he  recognized,  though  he  knew 
of  others  besides  the  Jewish  Canon,  e.g.,  Macca- 
bees. 

b)  The  Canon  of  the  Talmud,  Baba  Bathra  14,  is 
identical  with  that  of  Josephus;  24  books  are 
counted,  Ruth  and  Lamentations  being  enumer- 
ated separately,  whereas  Josephus  combined 
the  former  with  Judges,  the  latter  with  Jeremias. 

8.  The  LXX  Canon  represents  the  oldest  tradition  of  the 
collection  of  the  0.  T.  hooks  and  is  authoritative. 

It  includes  besides  the  Jewish  Canon  (proto- 
canonical  books) :  Tobias,  Judith,  Wisdom,  Ecclesias- 
ticus,  I-II  Maccabees,  Baruch  with  the  letter  of 
Jeremias,  the  prayer  of  Azarias  (Daniel),  the  canticle 
of  the  three  children  in  the  fiery  furnace  (Vulg.,  Dan. 
Ill,  24-90),  the  history  of  Susanna  (Vulg.,  Dan. 
XIII),  the  narrative  of  Bal  and  the  dragon  of  Baby- 
lon (Vulg.,  Dan.  XIV),  a  part  of  Esther  (Vulg., 
X,  4-XVI).     The  authority  of  the  LXX  Canon  rests : 

a)  on  the  approbation  of  Christ  and  the  N.  T.  writers. 
Although  we  have  no  clear  evidence  of  a  quotation 
from  deutero-canonical  books  in  the  N.  T.,  there 
are  traces  of  them,  e.g.,  in  Matth.  XXVII,  39-42; 
XIII,  43;  Luke  XII,  19,  29;  John  VI,  35;  St.  Paul 
in  numerous  instances. 

b)  On  the  approbation  of  early  ecclesiastical  writers, 
as  Clement  of  Rome,  Pastor  Hermae,  Polycarp; 


THE  CANON  OF  THE  BIBLE  ^ 

Hippolytus,  Irenaeus,  TertuUian,  Cyprian,  the 
Didascalia,  Aphraates,  Ephrem.  Origen  defends 
their  canonicity  in  a  special  treatise  (Ep.  ad  Afri- 
canum). 

It  is  true,  however,  that  since  the  3d  century  a 
number  of  ecclesiastical  writers  upheld  the  Jewish 
Canon,  e.g.,  Melito  of  Sardes;  Eusebius  (placing 
the  deutero-canonical  books  on  a  level  with  the  N. 
T.  antilegomena) ;  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  Athanasius 
(but  admitting  the  deutero-canonical  books  as 
ecclesiastical  reading);  Gregory  Nazianzen,  Hil- 
ary, Jerome,  Gregory  the  Great.  Their  view  was 
largely  maintained  during  the  Middle  Ages  on 
the  authority  of  Jerome.  But  these  writers  are 
not  consistent  and  frequently  use  deutero-canoni- 
cal books  (cf.  esp.  Jerome,  quoting  Ecclesiasticus 
and  Wisdom  as  canonical  books),  or  attribute  to 
them  minor  value,  without  entirely  denying 
their  authority. 

c)  on  the  official  decisions  of  the  Magisterium  Ecclesiae. 
a)  the  Council  of  Hippo ,  393, 
P)  the  Councils  of  Carthage,  397,  419, 
y)  the  letter  of  Innocent  I  to  Exuperius,  405, 
I)  the  Decretum  Gelasianum,  494, 
e)  the  decree  of  Eugene  IV,  1441, 
X,)  the  Council  of  Trent,  1546, 
T])  the  Vatican  Council,  1870. 

These  represent  a  decisive  historical  testimony  in 
favor  of  the  45 -book-Canon  of  the  LXX. 


100    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

d)  on  the  Greek  and  Latin  MSS.  of  the  Bible.  Im- 
portant are  the  lists  of  the  Canon  Mommsenianus 
and  the  Codex  Claromontanus. 

9.  The  Catholic  Canon  is  consequently  the  LXX  Canon, 
which  is  also  accepted  by  the.  Nestorians,  the  Mono- 
phy sites,  and  the  Greek  Church. 

10.  The  Protestant  Canon  is  identical  with  the  Jewish 
Canon.  The  so-called  deutero-canonical  books  were 
given  the  name  of  "Apocrypha." 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  APOCRYPHA 

A.    The  New  Testament  Apocrypha 

LITERATURE 

W.  Wright,  Apocryphal  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  London,  1871. 

F.  Robinson,  Coptic  Apocryphal  Gospels,  Cambridge,  1896. 

Graffin  and  Nau,  Patrologia  Orientalis,  II,  Paris,  1905. 

E.  Hennecke,  Neutestatnentliche  Apokryphen,  Tubingen,  1904. 

S.  SzEKELY,  Bibliotheca  Apocrypha,  Freiburg,  1913. 

Oesterley,  The  Books  of  the  Apocrypha,  their  Origin,  Teaching, 

Contents,  New  York,  1914. 
Andrews,  The  Apocryphal  Books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments, 

London,  1908. 

1.  Notion. 

'Ax6xpu(pa  (ax6xpu9o<;  =  reconditus,  concealed;  here 
"non-canonical,"  "non-inspired"),  means  books  which 
illegitimately  claim  the  title  of  canonical  books  by- 
pretending  to  be  writings  of  the  Apostles.  They  were 
excluded  from  the  readings  during  divine  service. 

2.  Tendency. 

They  contain  mostly  pious  and  harmless  legends,  but 

sometimes   show  heretical,  mostly  Gnostic,   motives. 

Their  favorite  themes  are  those  parts  of  the  life  of 

Christ  of  which  the  canonical  Gospels  give  no  detailed 

account :  the  Infancy  and  the  post- Resurrection  period. 

The  time  after  the  Resurrection  often  appears  to  be 

prolonged.   Thus  in  Pistis-Sophia  (3d  century,  Gnostic) 

it  is  11  years. 

101 


102     A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

3.  Origin. 

A  few  are  founded  on  O.  T.  ground;  either  O.  T. 
material  is  taken  over  with  an  injection  of  Christian 
elements  {e.g.,  ^'The  Testaments  of  the  12  Patriarchs'' 
originally  Hebrew,  translated  at  the  beginning  of  the 
2d  century)  or  Christian  material  appears  under  an 
O.  T.  name  {e.g.,  "The  Odes  of  Solomon''  in  the  1st 
Christian  century).  The  N.  T.  Apocrypha  proper, 
however,  originated  in  Christian  circles  and  bear  Chris- 
tian names.  Thus  we  possess  apocryphal  Gospels,  A  cts. 
Epistles,  didactic  writings  and  Apocalypses,  the  majority 
belonging  to  the  2nd  and  the  3d  century. 

4.  Preservation. 

a)  Many  are  attested  and  fragments  thereof  pre- 
served in  the  writings  of  the  Fathers.  (Collected 
byPREUscHEN,  Antilegomena) . 

b)  Recent  discoveries,  especially  of  papyri,  have 
brought  forth  considerable  new  material. 

5.  List  of  the  Most  Important  Apocrypha: 
a)  Gospels: 

LITERATURE 

TiscHENDORF,  Evatigelia  Apocrypha,  1876. 

a)  The  Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews,  based  on 
Matthew,  used  by  the  Nazarenes,  written  in 
Aramaic  about  100,  translated  into  Greek  about 
200  A.D.  According  to  Jerome  {De  Vir.  III.,  16), 
it  was  known  to  Ignatius  (Ad  Smyrn.,  3). 
p)  The  Ebionite  Gospel,  or  Gospel  of  the  12  Apos- 
tles, based  on  the  Synoptics,  esp.  Matthew,  of 
whom  it  rejects  the  history  of  the  Birth  and  the 
Genealogy  of  Christ;  used  by  the  Ebionites  in 


THE  APOCRYPHA  103 

Batanea;  written  about  150-200  A.D.  Cf.  Epi- 
phanius,  Haer.  XXX. 

y)  The  Gospel  according  to  the  Egyptians,  based  on 
the  Synoptics,  according  to  Hamack  the  oldest 
Gospel  of  the  Church  of  Egypt.  Clement  of 
Alexandria  quotes  from  it  a  conversation  between 
Jesus  and  Salome.  A  Gospel  fragment  from  Fajjum 
(Matth.  XXVI,  30-34)  probably  belonged  to  this 
Gospel.  Written  about  150. 

B)  The  Gospel  of  St.  Peter,  based  on  the  4  canonical 
Gospels,  used  in  orthodox  circles  (and  con- 
demned by  Serapion) ;  written  about  150  in  Syria. 
Its  tendency  is  Docetic.  A  large  fragment, 
containing  the  Passion  and  Resurrection,  was 
discovered  by  Bouriant  and  published  in  1892. 
According  to  Origen  {In  Mat.,  X,  17)  it  repre- 
sented the  "brothers  of  Jesus"  as  sons  of  Joseph 
from  a  previous  marriage. 

e)  The  Gospel  of  Matthias,  attested  by  Origen,  but 
condemned  as  heretical  by  Eusebius;  written 
about  150. 

0  The  Gospel  of  Philip,  attested  by  Epiphanius, 
teaches  dualism  and  the  doctrine  of  the  aeons, 
and  rejects  matrimony. 

Ti)  The  Gospel  of  Thomas,  attested  by  Origen, 
Eusebius,  Cyril  of  Jerusalem;  perhaps  known  to 
Irenaeus;  deals  with  the  Infancy  of  Christ. 

e)  The  " Protoevangelium  Jacobi*'  is  the  oldest 
apocryphal  testimony  for  the  Infancy  of  Christ; 
contains  the  history  of  the  birth  and  childhood 
of  Mary;  shows  a  tendency  to  defend  the  Virgin 


104    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Birth  and  the  descent  of  Mary  from   David. 
Known  to  Origen;  written  about  150. 
i)    Later  apocryphal  Gospels:  The  Gospel  of  Pseudo- 
Matthew  (5th  cent.);  the  Gospel  De   Nativitate 
Mariae  (5th  cent.);  Historia  S.  Josephi. 

b)  Acts :  They  are  mostly  Gnostic  in  character  and  read 
like  religious  novels. 

LITERATURE 

LiPSius-BoNNET,  Acta  Apostolorum  Apocrypha,  1891-1902. 

a)  The  oldest  (beginning  of  2  nd  cent . )  is  the  *  *  Kerygma 
Petri,^'  mentioned  by  Clement  of  Alexandria, 
Origen,  and  Eusebius,  written  about  130. 

P)  The  ''Kerygma  Pauli,'"  full  of  absurd  episodes,  is 
mentioned  by  Pseudo-Cyprian  {De  Rebaptismate, 
17). 

y)  Besides,  we  possess  the  Acts  of  Peter  (Gnostic, 
2nd  cent.);  of  John  (originally  Syriac,  between 
1 50-200) ;  A  ndrew  (Gnostic) ;  Thomas  (preserved  in 
Greek  and  Syriac;  written  about  250  in  Edessa); 
Philip  (at  the  end  of  the  4th  cent.;  Matthew, 
4-5thcent.);  Bartholomew  (Armenian.) 

8)  More  important  and  interesting  are  the  Acts  of 
Paul,  now  fully  known  from  the  Coptic  Papyrus 
in  Heidelberg  (discovered  by  C.  Schmidt),  con- 
taining: the  Martyrdom  of  Paul,  the  Acts  of  Paul 
and  Thecla,  and  a  Correspondence  with  the 
Corinthians.  The  latter  was  for  a  time  held  to 
be  canonical  in  the  Syrian  and  Armenian  Church. 

c)  Epistles: 

a)  The  spurious  correspondence  between  Abgar  of 
Edessa  (ifid  Jesus  (Euseb.,  H.  E.^  I,  13). 


THE  APOCRYPHA  105 

p)  The  above  mentioned  correspondence  of  Paul  with 
the  Corinthians. 

y)  The  Epistle  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Laodiceans,  con- 
tained in  many  Latin  MSS.  of  the  N.  T.  from  the 
6th  to  the  15  th  century.  Based  on  the  genuine 
Pauline  Epistles. 

B)  The  correspondence  between  Paul  and  Seneca  (6 
Pauline  epistles  and  8  by  Seneca),  an  absurd 
forgery   dating  from  about  350-400. 

e)   The  Epistle  of  Barnabas,  about  100. 

0   The  Epistola  Apostolorum,  about  150. 

d)  Apocalypses: 

LITERATURE 

TiscHENDORF,  Apocalypses  Apocryphae,  1866. 

a)  An  Apocalypse  of  Peter,  2d  century,  mentioned  in 
the  list  of  N.  T.  books  in  Codex  Claromontanus 
(D). 

P)  The  Apocalypse  of  Paul,  mentioned  in  the 
Decretum  Gelasianum  and  preserved  in  many 
Oriental  and  Occidental  translations.  Its  bold 
imagery  probably  influenced  Dante  in  his  "Di- 
vina  Commedia."  Condemned  by  Augustine. 

y)  The  Apocalypse  of  Bartholomew,  preserved  in 
Coptic. 

e)  Didactic  writings : 

LITERATURE 

Bardenhewer,  Patrology. 

a)  The  Didache,  written  (about   100).     Discovered 

1883  by  Bryennios. 
P)  The  Testament  of  our  Lord  (5th  cent.).  Discovered 
by  Rahmani,  1897. 


106    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

y)  The  Pastor  Hermae  (about  140-150) 
B)  The  Apostolic  Constitutions  (about  400). 

6.  Value. 

Though  not  representing  exact  history,  the  Apocry- 
pha reflect  the  spirit  of  their  time  and  have  recently 
gained  importance  for  the  comparative  study  of  reli- 
gions and  the  investigation  of  the  origin  of  Christianity. 
They  exercised  considerable  influence  on  the  poetry  of 
the  Middle  Ages. 

B.    The  Old  Testament  Apocrypha 

LITERATURE 

Sz6kely»  Bihliotheca  Apocrypha,  1913. 

Andr6,  Les  Apocryphes  de  VAncien  Testament,  1903. 

BissELL,  The  Apocrypha  of  the  Old  Testament,  1890. 

Lagrange,  Le  Messianisme  chez  les  Juifs,  1909. 

Charles,  The  Apocrypha  and  Pseudepigrapha  of  the  O.  T.,  1913. 

Kautzsch,  Die  Apokryphen  and  Pseudepigraphen  des  A.  T.,  1910. 

I.  List  of  O.T.  Apocrypha.  The  O.  T.  Apocrypha  are,  by 
Protestants,  called  Pseudepigrapha,  i.  e.,  pretending 
to  come  from  certain  O.  T.  authors,  or  dealing  with- 
them.     They  date  mostly  from  200  B.C.-200  A.D. 

1.  The  Prayer  of  Manas ses  is  an  amplification  of  II 
Chron.  XXXIII,  11  ff.,  originally  written  in  Greek 
and  preserved  in  many  versions.  While  of  pre- 
Christian  origin,  it  is  contained  in  the  Didascalia. 
It  was  printed  in  the  official  edition  of  the  Vulgate, 
1592  (appendix).     (About  100  B.C.) 

LITERATURE 

Funk,  Didascalia  et  Constitutiones  Apostolorum. 

2.  Ill  Esdras,  originally  Greek,  containing  the  last 
chapters  of  Chron.,  the  canonical  Esdras,  a  part  of 


THE  APOCRYPHA  107 

Nehemias  and  a  story  of  Darius  and  Zorobabel,  is 
also  printed  in  the  appendix  of  the  official  edition  of 
the  Vulgate.     (About  100  B.C.) 

LITERATURE 

Pope,  The  Third  Book  of  Esdras,  Journal  of  Theol.  Studies,  1907. 

3.  IV  Esdras y  originally  Hebrew,  containing  a  series  of 
visions;  preserved  in  many  versions.  It  is  reprinted 
in  the  Appendix  to  the  Vulgate  (c.  100  A.D.). 

LITERATURE 

Violet,  Die  Esra-Apokalypse,  1910. 

Vaganay,  Le  Prohlhme  Eschatologique  dans  lei V^ Livre  d* Esdras, 
1906.    L'Univ.  Cath.  LIV. 

4.  ///  Maccabees.  It  is  history  interwoven  with 
legends,  describing  the  persecution  of  the  Jews  in 
Egypt  by  Ptolemy  IV;  preserved  in  the  Greek 
original  and  some  versions;  written  before  70  A.  D. 

5.  IV  Maccabees.  Originally  Greek,  presents  a  philo- 
sophical system;  attributed  by  St.  Jerome  to  Flavius 
Josephus.   Written  before  70  A. D. 

literature 
Bensly,  The  Fourth  Book  of  Maccabees  in  Syriac,  1895. 

6.  The    Psalms    of   Solomon,    containing    18    Psalms, 

written  c.  50  B.C.;  originally  Hebrew,  but  preserved 

only  in  Greek. 

literature 
Swete,  The  Psalms  of  Solomon,  1900. 
ViTEAU,  Les  Psaumes  de  Salomon,  1911. 

7.  The  Odes  of  Solomon,  42  in  nimiber,  originally  Greek, 
are  of  Jewish  origin  but  elaborated  by  a  Christian 
during  the  1st  century. 


108    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

LITERATURE 

Harris,  The  Odes  and  Psalms  of  Solomon,  1909. 

8.  Psalm  CLI,  preserved  in  some  MSS.,  like  B  and  A, 
also  in  many  versions. 

9.  The  Book  of  Jubilees,  also  called  "Leptogenesis," 
"Little  Genesis,"  or  Book  Kufale,  containing  a 
Haggadic  treatment  of  Genesis  and  a  part  of  Exodus; 
originally  Hebrew,  about  100  B.C.,  it  was  translated 
into  Greek,  Ethiopia,  and  Latin. 

LITERATURE 

Charles,  Mashafa  Kufale,  or  the  Ethiopic  Version  of  the  Hebrew 
Book  of  Jubilees,  1895. 

10.  The  Apocalypses: 

a)  Henoch,  known  only  since  1 800  through  an  Ethiopic 
version,  but  often  used  by  the  Fathers.  It  is  a 
conglomeration  of  various  writings  under  the  name 
of  Henoch.  The  originals  were  written  in  Hebrew 
or  Aramaic,  200-100  B.C.     It  was  widely  known 

,.:. ..  •  and  is  quoted  in  the  Epistle  of  Jude  14  f.  Especially 
important  are  its  "parables"  and  messianic 
"visions." 

literature 
Charles,  The  Ethiopic  Version  of  the  Book  of  Henoch,  1906. 
Gry,  Les  Paraboles  d' Henoch  et  leur  Messianisme,  1910. 

b)  The  Apocalypses  of  Baruch,  the  original  (perhaps 
Hebrew)  written  c.  70  A.D. ;  the  Syriac  apocalypse 
is  based  on  a  Greek  copy ;  the  Greek  apocalypse  is 
of  the  2nd  cent.  A.D.,  also  the  Ethiopic. 

literature 
Charles,  The  Apocalypse  of  Baruch,  transl.  from  Syriac,  1896. 

c)  The  Apocalypse  of  Moses  or  the  ''Life  of  Adam  and 
Eve,''  shows  Christian  influence. 


THE  APOCRYPHA  109 

d)  The  Apocalypse  oj  Elias  is  of  Jewish  origin  (Egypt) 
of  the  1st  cent.  A.D.     Partly  preserved  in  Coptic. 

LITERATURE 

Steindorf,  Die  Apocalypse  des  Elias,  1899. 

IJ.  The  Testaments: 

a)  The  Test,  oj  the  12  Patriarchs,ongmdX\y  Hebrew; 
the  text  of  the  Greek  translation  is  of  Christian 
origin,  c.  100  A.D. 

LITERATURE 

Charles,   The  Greek    Versions  of  the  Testaments  of  the  Twelve 
Patriarchs,  1908. 

b)  The  Test,  of  J  oh,  preserved  only  in  Greek. 

12.  The  Ascensions: 

a)  The  Ascension  of  Isaias,  or  Vision  of  Isaias,  con- 
taining a  report  of  the  Prophet's  visions  and 
martyrdom.  Preserved  in  an  Ethiopic  version 
of  a  Greek  original. 

LITERATURE 

Charles,  The  Ascension  of  Isaiah,  19QP. 
TissERANT,  Ascension  d'Isaie,  1909. 

b)  The  Ascensio  Mosis,  originally  Greek,  5th-6tii 
cent.  A.D. ;  preserved  in  a  Latin  translation. 

LITERATURE 

Clemen,  Die  Himmelfahrt  Mose,  1904. 
Charles,  The  Assumption  of  Moses,  1897. 

13.  The  Letter  of  Aristeas,  an  officer  of  Ptolemy  II, 
(284-246)  to  his  brother  Philocrates,  giving  the  story 
of  the  translation  of  the  O.  T.  into  Greek,  ca.  200 
B.C. 

LITERATURE 

Wendland,  Aristeae  ad  Philocratem  Epistula,  1900. 


no    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

14.  The  Sibylline  Oracles,    Several  books  (3,  4,  5)  show 
Jewish  character.    Written  in  Greek. 

LITER  ATURE 

Basset,  La  Sagesse  de  Sibylle,  1900. 

II.  Value  of  the  O.  T.  Apocrypha.  Although  these  writ- 
ings are  not  authentic,  they  are  of  importance  for  the 
history  of  religions  and  religious  ideas  of  that  time, 
e.g.,  of  the  prevailing  views  on  Eschatology,  the  res- 
urrection, the  last  judgment,  punishment  and  reward, 
the  coming  of  the  Messias  and  His  angels,  etc. 


CHAPTER  V 
THE  AGRAPHA  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT 

LITERATURE 

Grenfell-Hunt,  Sayings  of  our  Lord,  London,  1897. 

A.  Resch,  Agrapha,  Aiisserkanonische  Schriftfragmente,  in  Texts 

und  Untersuchungen,  Leipzig,  1906. 
Jacquier,    Les   Sentences   du   Seigneur   Extracanoniques,    Revue 

Biblique,  1918. 
White,  The  Sayings  of  Jesus,  Cambridge,  1920. 

1.  Notion. 

"Ay  pa9cz  =  alleged  sayings  of   the   Lord,  which   are 
not  contained  in  the  canonical  Gospels  of  the  N.  T. 

2.  Preservation. 

a)  Acts  XX,  35  presents  an  ngrapnon:  "It  is  more 
blessed  to  give  than  to  receive." 

b)  Cod.  Bezae  (D)  adds  one  of  considerable  length  to 
Liike  VI,  4:  "The  same  day  he  saw  one  working  on 
the  Sabbath  and  said  to  him:  Man,  blessed  art  thou 
if  thou  knowest  what  thou  doest,  but  if  thou  dost 
not  know,  thou  art  condemned  and  a  transgressor  of 
the  law." 

c)  Many  are  contained  in  Patristic  Literature  (collected 
by  Resch). 

d)  The  best  known  example  is  the  correspondence 
between  Ahgar  of  Edessa  and  Jesus  (Eusebius,  H.  £., 
I,  13),  defended  as  genuine  even  in  recent  times. 

e)  A  new  source  of  Agrapha  has  been  opened  by  the 
discovery  of  numerous  papyri.  They  contain  mostly 
brief  sayings  of  the  Lord,  so-called  Logia;  e.g., 

Ill 


112     A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

a)  The  fragment  of  Fajjum  with  a  parallel  to  Matt. 
XXVI,  30-34;  Mark  XIV,  26-30. 

.p)  In  1898  Grenfell  and  Hunt  published  a  Papyrus 
with  six  sentences  (The  Oxyrhynchus  Papyri,  I, 
London,  1898). 

y)  In  1904  more  sayings  were  published  (The  Oxyr- 
hynchus Papyri,  IV,  London,  1904). 

5)  The  famous  Freer  MS.,  in  Detroit,  has  an  ampli- 
fication at  the  end  of  Mark,  containing  a  dictum 
of  the  risen  Lord. 

s)  The  most  interesting  discovery  was  published 
in  1907  (The  Oxyrhynchus  Papyri,  V).  It  is 
a  conversation  between  Jesus  and  the  Pharisees 
about  levitic  and  internal  purity. 

3.  An  excellent  collection  of  the  Agrapha  is  given  by 
Jacquier,  Revue  Biblique,  1918. 

4.  Value. 

The  investigation  of  the  Agrapha  is  still  under  way. 
They  were  declared  to  be  fragments  of  apocryphal 
Gospels.  To  a  great  extent  they  are  certainly  later 
inventions;  however,  they  may  possibly  preserve  some 
genuine  utterances  of  Jesus. 


CHAPTER  VI 
BIBLICAL  HERMENEUTICS 

LITERATURE 

CORNELY,  Introductio  Generalis,  etc. 

SzEKELY,   St.,  Hermeneutica  Biblica  Generalis  secundum  Prin- 

cipia  Catholica,  Freiburg  i.  B.,  1902. 
DoLLER,  J.,  Compendium  Her  meneuticaeBiblicae^Paderbom,  1910. 
Zapletal,  v.,  Hermeneutica  Biblica,  Freiburg  i.  S.,  1908. 

I.  Generalia. 

1.  Notion.  Biblical  Hermeneutics  (derived  from  ipiXY)- 
v£U£iv  =  to.  explain)  is  the  art  of  interpreting  the 
Bible,  or,  in  the  words  of  St.  Augustine,  "modus 
inveniendi  quae  sunt  intelligenda,  et  proferendi 
quae  sunt  intellecta."  The  principles  described 
hereafter  hold  good  for  both  the  O.  T.  and  the  N.  T. 

2.  Preambles. 

a)  According  to  Catholic  principles  the  Bible  is  the 
combined  work  (a)  of  the  Koly  Ghost,  and  (g)  of 
a  human  instrument. 

b)  As  the  inspired  work  of  the  Holy  Ghost  the  Bible 
is  free  from  error. 

c)  As  a  book  belonging  to  history,  it  is  subject  to  the 
scientific  rules  of  sound  historical  criticism. 

d)  The  truth,  possessed  through  faith,  does  not 
prevent  the  Catholic  student  from  applying  the 
critical  method,  so  as  to  study  the  same  truth 
by  his  own  investigation. 

e)  Sound  historical  criticism  does  not  exclude  belief 
in  a  supernatural  world  and  in  miracles. 

113 


114    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

f)  Nor  is  sound  criticism  impaired  by  the  obligation 
not  to  interpret  "m  rebus  fidei  el  morum''  against 
the  ''sensus  communis  patrum"  {Trid.,  IV); 

g)  Nor  by  the  obligation  to  respect  the  "sensus 
Ecclesiae''  (Vat.,  III). 

h)  Only  a  few  passages  are  authentically  defined  as  to 
their  sense,  like  John  III,  5;  Rom.  V,  12. 

3.  Preliminary  Conditions  for  Interpretation. 

Before  a  text  can  be  explained,  it  must  be  deter- 
mined as  an  integral  and  authentic  part  of  the  Bible. 
This  is  done 

a)  by  the  so-called  "lower  criticism,''  which,  by  the 
help  of  the  original,  the  versions,  and  Patristic 
quotations,  establishes  the  true  and  original  text, 
either  through  confirmation  or  by  correction 
(texual  criticism) ; 

b)  by  the  so-called  "higher  criticism,''  which  by 
historico-critical  means,  investigates  the  origin 
and  credibility  of  the  book  in  which  the  text  is  con- 
tained {historical  criticism). 

c)  This  positive  criticism  has  nothing  to  do  with  the 
negative  destructive  criticism  holding  the  a  priori 
principle  that  a  supernatural  world  and  revelation 
are  impossible. 

4.  Subdistinctiono    We  include  under  Hermeneutics : 

a)  Noematics  =  the  distinction  of  the  different  senses 
contained  in  the  words  of  the  Bible. 

b)  Heuristics = The  art  and  rules  of  finding,  the 
sense. 

c)  Prophoristics= the  art  of  reproducing  and  rep- 
resenting the  sense. 


BIBLICAL  HERMENEUTICS  115 

II.  Noematics,  the  distinction  of  various  senses. 
There  is  to  be  distinguished : 

1)  a  literal  or  historical  sense; 

2)  a  typical  or  spiritual  sense; 

3)  an  accommodative  sense. 

In  the  old  distinction  of  (a)  literal,  (b)  allegorical,  (c)  moral,  and 
(d)  anagogical  sense,  the  three  latter  members  represent  a  sub- 
division of  the  "spiritual  sense,"  as  this  may  concern  objects  of 
faith  (allegorical),  precepts  (moral),  or  the  future  world  (an- 
agogical). "Litcra  gcsta  docet,  quid  credas  allegoria,  moralis  quid 
agas,  quo  tendas  anagogia."    This  division  is  confusing. 

1.  The  literal  sense  is  again  divided  into 

a)  the  Hteral  sense,  properly  represented,  e.g.,  in  the 
expression  "the  arm  of  David;" 

b)  the  figurative,  parabolical  or  metaphorical  sense, 
shown,  e.g.,  in  the  expression  "the  arm  of  God.'* 

To  the  figurative  sense  belong 

a)  the  altegory=it  the  metaphor  is  sustained  through  a  whole 
sentence  or  book,  e.g.,  "  Vos  estis  sal  terrae." 

b)  The  parable=a.n  illustration  of  a  truth  by  a  simile,  given  in 
"a  complete,  self-dependent  discourse"  (Fonck). 

c)  It  is  self-evident  that  a  literal  sense  exists  in  the 
Bible  just  as  well  as  in  any  other  book. 

d)  There  can  be  only  one  literal  sense  intended  in 
any  passage  by  the  author;  but  this  does  not  ex- 
clude that,  e.g.,  Caiphas  (John  XI,  51)  expresses 
his  own  imperfect  opinion  in  words  inspired  by 
divine  influence.  The  theory  of  a  possible  twofold 
literal  sense  is  false. 

2.  The  spiritual-typical  sense  emanates  from  associa- 
tion with  persons,  things,  or  events,  which  fore- 
shadow other  persons,   things,   or  events,  not  by 


116    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

nature,  but  by  the  free  will  of  God.  The  foreshadowing 
element  is  called  type,  the  foreshadowed,  anti-type. 

a)  The  existence  of  a  typical  sense  is  guaranteed  for 
the  O.  T.  by  the  argumentation  of  the  N.  T. 
writers.  E.g.,  in  John  XIX,  36,  we  find  applied  to 
Christ  what  originally  (Ex.  XII,  46)  was  pre" 
dicated  of  the  paschal  lamb.  In  Rom.  V,  4,  Adam 
is  a  type  of  Christ.  The  typical  sense  cannot  be 
maintained  with  certainty  for  N.  T.  passages. 

b)  But  every  Biblical  passage  also  has  a  literal  mean- 
ing,  which  cannot  be  destroyed  by  the  typical 
sense. 

c)  This  does  not  imply  ambiguity ^  since  the  words  can 
have  a  literal  sense,  while  the  thing  is  typical. 

d)  The  typical  sense  consists  in  what  was  intended  by 
God,  not  what  is  invented  by  interpreters  (like 
Origen). 

e)  The  types  are  different  from  the  symbols  or  symbolic 
actions.  With  the  latter  the  prefigurative  character 
is  necessarily  connected,  but  not  with  the  former. 

f)  The  types  are  different  from  the  allegory.  The 
latter  has  the  prefigurative  character  naturally,  the 
former  by  the  special  providence  of  God. 

3.  The  accommodative  sense  =  the  application  of  a 
passage  on  account  of  a  similarity  to  something  to 
which  the  writer  originally  had  no  reference.  It  can 
be  used: 

a)  by  extension,  if,  e.g.,  the  words  of  blessing  which  are 
bestowed  in  O.  T.  passages  on  Abraham  and  Jacob 
are  applied  to  any  other  saintly  man.  This  kind 
of  accommodation  is  often  used : 


BIBLICAL  HERMENEUTICS  117 

a)  in  the  admonitions  of  the  N.  T.  writers; 

cf.  Hebr.  XIII,  5  f.; 
P)  in  innumerable  cases  by  the  Fathers; 
y)  esp.  in  the  liturgy  of  the  Church ; 

b)  or  hy  allusion,  if  a  text  is  applied  to  a  person  or  a 
thing  quite  different  from  its  original  meaning, 
e.g.,  if  the  text  "Mirabilis  Deus  in  Sanctis  suis" 
[in  sanctuario  suo],  Ps.  LXVII,  36  is  applied  to  the 
Saints.     This  is  merely  a  play  on  words. 

c)  The  accommodative  sense  is  naturally  worthless 
for  exact  argumentation. 

III.  Heuristics,  or  the  Rules  of  Interpretation. 

The  object  of  interpretation  is  to  ascertain  the 
significance  and  sense  of  Biblical  words  and  passages. 
It  must  be  obtained  by  the  use  of  all  the  means  sup- 
plied by  the  historico-critical  method. 

A.  Above  all,  the  laws  of  the  Magisterium  Ecclesiae 
have  to  be  observed,  i.e., 

1.  The  principles  laid  down  in  the  decrees  of  the 
Church  concerning  the  Bible.  Cf.  Ecclesiastical 
Decrees,  etc. 

2.  The  principle  of  the  ''consensus  patrum  in  rebus 
fidei  et  morurn"  {Cone.  Trid). 

3.  The  principle  of  the  "analogia  fidei  vel  doctrinae,*' 
i.e.,  harmony  with  all  revealed  truth. 

4.  The  principle  of  the  "sentire  cum  Ecclesia,''  i.e., 
reverence  for  ecclesiastical  tradition. 

B.  Besides  the  interpreter  has  to  observe:  The  philo- 
logical rules.    Therefore  he  must  be  familiar 

1)  with  the  ancient  languages  in  which  the  Bible  is 


118    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

preserved,  especially  Hebrew ^  Greek,  Latin,  Syriac, 
Coptic.  Of  great  help  is  the  knowledge  oi Arabic, 
Ethiopic,  Armenian,  and  especially  of  the  cuneiform 
system  oj  writing,  and  of  Sumerian.  The  assist- 
ance of  good  Dictionaries  and  Concordances  is 
indispensable. 

LITERATURE 

For  Hebrew: 

Gesenius,  Thesaurus  Linguae  Hcbr.et  Chald.;  also  his  "Hand- 
worterbuch." 

Mandelkern,  Hebrew  Concordance. 
For  Syriac : 

Brockelmann,  Lexicon  Syriacum. 
For  Greek: 

Bruder,  Concordantiae  Omnium  Vocum  N.  T.  Graeci. 

Hatch-Redpath,  a  Concordance  to  the  Septuagint. 

Stephanus,  H.,  Thesaurus  Linguae  Graecae. 
For  Latin : 

Peultier,  Concordantiarum  Universae  Scripturae  Sacrae  The- 
saurus. 

BocHs,  Repertorium  Biblicum  totius  Sacrae  Scripturae. 
For  Coptic: 

Mallon,  Grammaire  Copte  {Bohairic). 

Peyron,  Lexicon  Linguae  Copticae. 

G.  Steindorf,  Koptische  Grammatik  {Sahidic). 

For  Ethiopic: 

DiLLMAN,  Lexicon  Linguae  Aethiopicae. 

PrAtorius,  Grammatica  Aethiopica  cum  Paradigm, 
For  Arabic : 

Bellot,  Dictionnaire  Arabe. 

SociN,  vlra&ic  Grammar,  Paradigms,  Literature,  Chrestomathy  and 
Glossary. 
For  Armenian : 

De  Nar  Bey,  Dictionnaire  Armenien-frangais. 

Meillet,  Armenische  Grammatik. 
For  Assyrian,  Babylonian,  Sumerian: 

Muss-Arnolt,  a  Concise  Dictionary  of  the  Assyrian  Language. 

Fr,  Delitzsch,  Assyrian  Grammar, 


BIBLICAL  HERMENEUTICS  119 

Prince,  Materials  for  a  Sumerian  Lexicon. 
ZiMMERN-WiNCKLER,  KeiUnschrifteti  und  Bibel. 
ScHRADER,  Keilinschriftliche  Bibliothek. 
Delitzsch,  Assyrische  Lesestucke. 
Meissner,  Assyrische  Grammatik. 

.  2)  As  Biblical  Greek  is  mainly  the  popular  lan- 
guage or  Koine,  the  student  must  be  equipped 
with  a  sufficient  knowledge  thereof. 

Cf.  Linguistic  Criticism. 

Hence  he  must  also  be  acquainted  with  the  re- 
spective documentary  sources^  namely: 

a)  The  Papyri. 

LITERATURE 

Deissmann,  Light  from  the  Ancient  East. 
WiLKEN,  Archiv  fiir  Papyrusforschung. 
Milligan,  Selections  from  Greek  Papyri. 

Moulton-Milligan,  The  Vocabulary  of  the  Greek  Testament  11- 
lustratedfrom  the  Papyri. 

b)  The  Ostraca. 

LITERATURE 

H.  R.  Hall,  Coptic  and  Greek  Texts  of  the  Christian  Period  from 

Ostraca,  etc. 
W.  E.  Crum,  Coptic  Ostraca. 
A.  WiLKEN,  Griechische  Ostraka. 

c)  The  Inscriptions. 

LITERATURE 

C.  T.  Newton,  The  Collection  of  Ancient  Greek  Inscriptions  in  the 

British  Museum. 
A.  BoCKH,  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Graecarum. 
Th.  Mommsen,  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinarum. 
W.  Dittenberger,  Orientis  Graeci  Inscriptiones  Selectae. 
Chwolson,  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Ilehraicarum. 

3)  The  results  of  the  Assyrian,  Babylonian,  Pales- 
tinian, Egyptian  excavations  offer  valuable  assist- 
ance to  the  interpreter. 


120    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

LITERATURE 

CoBERN,  The  New  Archeological  Discoveries. 

Barton,  A  rchaeology  and  the  Bible. 

Karge,  Rephaim,  Die  vorgeschichtliche  KuUur  Paldstinas  und 
Phoniziens. 

H.  HiLPRECHT,  The  Excavations  in  Assyria  and  Babylonia. 

King- Hall,  Egypt  and  Western  Asia  in  the  Light  of  Recent  Dis- 
coveries. 

Bliss  Macalister,  Excavations  in  Palestine. 

Clay,  Light  on  the  Old  Test,  from  Babel. 

Rogers,  History  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria. 

ViGOUROUX,  La  Bible  et  les  Decouvertes  Modernes. 

4)  Consultation  of  the  profane  Greek  and  Latin 

writers  is  also  indispensable  for  the  explanation 

or  elucidation  of  Biblical  passages. 

literature 
Cf.  the  "Oxford  Classical  Texts." 

5)  Of  equal  and  even  greater  importance  is  a  thorough 
acquaintance  with  Patristic  literature. 

Cf.  "Patristic  Quotations." 

6)  A  self-evident  necessity  is  perfect  familiarity  with 
the  Biblical  authors  and  their  writings. 

7)  An  important  help  is  the  etymological  considera- 
tion of  BibHcal  words. 

literature 
CuRTius,  Grundzuge  der  griechischen  Etymologie. 
Eisler,  Worterbuch  der  philosophischen  Begriffe. 

8)  Also  the  Talmtid  should  be  mentioned  as  a  valu- 
able source  of  information. 

LITERATURE 

RODKINSON,  The  Babylonian  Talmud. 
Schwab,  Le  Talmud  de  Jerusalem. 

9)  Excellent  help  is  offered  also  by  the  ancient  ver^ 
sions. 


BIBLICAL  HERMENEUTICS  121 

C.  Auxiliary  Rules.     Most  valuable  guides  for  the  ex- 
planation of  the  text  are  further : 

1)  the  general  contents  of  a  book  in  which  the  text  is 
contained ; 

2)  the  occasion  and  aim  of  the  book ; 

3)  the  context,  which  may  be 

a)    the  grammatical  context,  i.e.,  the  syntactical 

structure  of  the  sentence ; 
p)    the  logical  context,  i.e.,  the  underlying  ideas, 

be  it  in  immediate  or  remote  connection. 
y)    the  psychological  context,  i.e.,  the  psychological 

disposition  of  the  author  (e.g.,  joy,  sadness),  or 

of  the  reader  {e.g.,  hope,  despair). 

4)  Parallel  Passages. 

a)    Especially  in  the  Bible  itself; 

P)    but  also  in  non-Biblical  documents. 

5)  The  general  mental  disposition  of  the  author.  E.g.^ 
a  well-educated  Jew  from  the  Diaspora  will  write 
differently  than  a  simple  fisherman  of  Galilee. 

6)  The  study  of  the  archaeology  of  the  Jews,  i.e.,  of 
their  religious  cult,  their  literature,  customs,  etc. 

LITERATURE 

E.  SchUrer,  History  of  the  Jewish  People. 
T.  ScHEGG,  Biblische  Archdologie. 
The  Jewish  Encyclopedia. 

7)  The  comparative  study  of  religious  history,  litera- 
ture, customs,  education,  cults  in  general,  which 
may  yield  important  illustrations.  (Note  espe- 
cially the  so-called  mystery  religions.)  But  here 
it  is  important  to  remember  that  analogy  is  not 
genealogy. 


122    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

LITERATURE 

Cf.  The  Bible  and  the  Comparative  Study  of  Religions. 

8)  the  combination  of  chronological  data,  which  must 
be  handled  with  care,  for  the  poet  has  more  free- 
dom of  combination  than  the  historical  critic. 

IV.  Prophoristics,  or  Presentation  of  the  Sense. 

1.  Principle:     The  purpose  must  be  to  describe  object- 
ively, i.e.,  without  prejudice. 

2.  Forms:    They  may  be  manifold : 

a)  The  paraphrase,  the  most  primitive  form,  is  a  short 
elucidation  of  Biblical  passages  by  other  circum- 
scriptive w^ords,  taken  mainly  from  the  Biblical 
vocabulary  itself.  It  is  used  at  every  stage  of 
interpretation,  esp.  by  the  early  Patristic  writers. 

b)  The  scholia  are  short  exegetical  notes  in  epigram- 
matic form  on  the  text  of  the  book.  Beginning 
with  Origen,  the  scholiasts  form  a  special  type  of 
Patristic  writers. 

c)  The  glosses  (practically  identical  with  scholia)  are 
also  short  notes  on  single  words  or  passages  of  a 
book.    We  distinguish 

a)    Marginal  glosses,  if  the  notes  are  written  on  the 
margin,  and 

^)  Interlinear  glosses,  if  they  are  between  the  lines. 
The  glosses  par  excellence  are  a  special  peculiarity  of 
the  Middle  Ages  and  may  be  placed  in  a  class  with 
the  Catenae  and  Scholia. 

The  most  important  marginal  gloss  is  the 
*'Glossa  Ordinarid"  of  Walafried  Strabo  (+  849), 
the  best  interlinear  gloss  thatof  Anselmof  Laon 


BIBLICAL  HERMENEUTICS  123 

(+1117).  Noteworthy  are  also  the  glosses  of  the 
Venerable  Bede  (+735),  Alcuin  (+804),  Rhabanus 
Maurus  (+856). 

d)  The  glossaries  SLve  a  collection  of  glosses  or  Xl^etq. 
They  are  the  first  step  to  the  later  dictionaries  of 
the  Bible.  In  the  front  rank  are,  in  Greek:  the 
glossaries  of  Hesychius  (ca.  380),  Photius  (+891), 
and  the  ''Etymologicum  Magnum''  (XI-XII  cent.). 
Cf.  Ernesti,  Glossae  Sacrae.  In  Latin:  Isidore 
of  Seville,  Etymologiarum  Lihri  XX.  Cf.  Lowe- 
Gotz,  Corpus  Glossariorum  Latinorum, 

e)  The  Catenae  (the  name  is  derived  from  the  ^'Ca- 
tena Aurea'*  of  St.  Thomas  Aquinas)  are  Patristio 
scholia  combined  into  collective  commentaries. 
They  are  important  as  a  source  of  inedited  Pa- 
tristica.  Famous  is  the  "Catena  A  urea''  of  St. 
Thomas  (+1274);  valuable  are  further  the  older 
catenae  of  Procopius  (c.  528),  the  first  writer  of 
catenae  on  a  large  scale,  Andreas  (c.  520),  Nicetas 
(11th  cent.),  Oecumenius  (11th  cent.). 

Cf.  Lietzmann-Karo,  Catenarum  Graecar.  Catalogus. 
F.  A.  Cramer,  Catenae  from  the  Greek  Fathers. 

f)  Commentaries  are  exhaustive  scientific  explana- 
tions of  biblical  books.  They  are  the  result  of 
modern  Bible  study. 

g)  The  homily  is  a  popular  explanation  for  religious 
edification. 

V.  Outlines  of  the  History  of  Christian  Interpretation. 
1.  The  early  Patristic  writers  do  not  make  use  of  any 
special    system   in    their    exegesis,    but    are    often 
governed  hy  allegorical  {i.e.,  typical)  principles;  thus 


124    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Clement   Rom.   (c.  100),  Justin   (  +  167),   Irenaeus 
(+202). 

2.  From  the  ^rd  century  on  scientific  interpretation   de- 
veloped two  great  schools : 

a)  the  Alexandrian  School,  stressing  the  mystical  or 
spiritual  sense  of  the  Bible  according  to  the 
Platonic  trichotomy:  corpus  (letter),  a^iima  (moral 
sense),  spiritus  (mystical  sense).  The  mystical 
sense  is  always  preferred  by  this  school.  Its 
chief  representatives  are:  Origen  (254),  Dionysius 
of  Alexandria  (265),  Clement  of  Alexandria  (217), 
Cyril  of  Alexandria  (444).  They  did  not  escape 
the  danger  of  over-emphasizing  allegory. 

b)  the  Antiochian  School  made  the  literal  sense  of  the 
Bible  its  peculiar  tenet.  Diodorus  of  Tarsus 
(+390),  John  Chrysostom  (407),  Theodore  of 
Mopsuestia  (429),  Isidore  of  Pelusitim  (450), 
Theodoret  (458),  are  the  leaders  of  this  school ;  also 
important  is  the  great  representative  of  the  early 
school  of  Edessa:  Ephrem  Syrus  (379).  They 
were  exposed  to  the  danger  of  rationalistic  ten- 
dencies.    (Cf.  Theodore  of  Mops.) 

a)  An  "Interpretatio  Mixta,"  i.e.,  partly  spiritual  and  partly 
literal,  was  favored  by  a  great  number  of  Fathers,  e.g.,  the  Cappa- 
docians:  Basil  theGreat  (379),  Gregory  Nazianzen  (389), Gregory 
of  Nyssa  (396),  the  Palestinian  scholars:  Eusebius  (340),  Epi- 
phanius  (403);  and  also  Athanasius  (393). 

^)  The  allegorical  {i.e.  typical)  principle  is  followed  among  the 
Latin  Fathers  by  Hippolytus  (235),  Hilary  (367),  Ambrose 
(397),  Marius  Victor  (370);  partly  by  Jerome  (420),  Augustine 
(430),  Rufinus  (410),  Gregory  the  Great  (604). 

3.  The  period  of  the'Catenae  among  the  Greeks  begins 
with  the  6th  century.     (Cf.  Catenae.) 


BIBLICAL  HERMENEUTICS  125 

4.  The  period  of  the  glosses  among  the  Latins  begins 
with  the  7th  century.     (Cf.  Glosses). 

5.  The  Scholastic  Interpretation  sets  in  with  the  12th 
century:  Rupert  of  Deutz  (1135),  Hugh  of  St.  Victor 
(1141),  Peter  Lombard  (1164). 

6.  It  reaches  its  climax  in  the  13th  century:  Hugh  of  St. 
Cher  (1260),  Albertus  Magnus  (1280),  Thomas 
Aquinas  (1274),  Bona  venture  (1274). 

7.  With  the  dawn  of  the  14th  century  (Council  of  Vienna, 
1311),  the  study  of  Oriental  languages  inaugurates 
fresh  progress  in  interpretation.  Important  is 
Nicolaus  de  Lyra  (1340)  with  his  famous  ''Postillae 
Perpetuae.'" 

8.  A  new  era  starts  with  the  revival  of  linguistic  studies 
in  the  middle  of  the  i^th  century.  As  pioneers  we 
mention:  Cajetan  (1534),  Santes  Pagnini  (1541), 
Vatablus  (1547). 

9.  The  time  from  1550-1750  must  be  called  the  golden 
age  of  Catholic  Scripture  interpretation.  Numer- 
•ous  scholars  devoted  themselves  to  the  Bible.  We 
mention:  Sixtus  Sen.  (1569),  Lucas  Brugensis(1619), 
Tirinus  (1636),  Cornelius  a  Lapide  (1637),  Menochius 
(1655),  Cornelius  Jansenius  (1575),  Maldonatus 
(1583),  Salmeron  (1585),  Toletus  (1596),  Estius 
(1613),  Sabatier  (1742),  Calmet  (1757). 

10.  On  the  Protestant  side,  little  headway  was  made 
during  this  Catholic  "golden  age."  We  need  men- 
tion only:  Grotius  (1645),  Brian  Walton  (1658), 
Lightfoot  (1675),  Schoettgen  (1751). 

11.  The  historico-critical  consideration  of  the  Bible  com- 
menced at  the  beginning  of  the  18th  century.  Epoch- 


126    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

making  was  R.  Simon  (1712),  followed  by  Lamy 
(1715),  Huetius  (1721),  Natalis  Alexander  (1722), 
Assemani  (1768),  Ugolini  (1769),  etc. 

12.  Various  Rationalistic  systems  arose  in  England 
during  the  17th  and  18th  century  and  were  devel- 
oped on  the  continent  in  the  18th  and  19th  century. 

a)  The  birthplace  of  Biblical  Rationalism  is  England. 
Rationalism  was  introduced  into  Bible  study  by 
the  English  Deists:  Shaftesbury  (1713),  Toland 
(1722),  Collins  (1729),  Woolston  (1732),  Tindal 
(1733),  etc.  Their  theory  was  that  the  Bible 
is  part  forgery,  part  allegory. 

They  were  followed  shortly  afterwards  by  men 
like  Evanson  and  Priestly. 
Cf.  CoNYBEARE,  History  of  New  Testament  Criticism,  1910. 

b)  The  fathers  of  Biblical  Rationalism  in  Germany 
were  the  famous  Reimarus  (1768),  Lessing  (1781), 
Herder  (1803),  called  the  "Deists  of  Germany," 
-and  S.Semler  (1791). 

c)  Inspired  by  their  teaching,  in  the  middle  of  the  19th 
century,  were:  G.  Paulus  (1851),F.C.Baur  (1860), 
the  celebrated  founder  of  the  Tubingen  School, 
D.  F.  Strauss  (1875);  Ernest  Renan  (1892); 
and  with  and  after  them  the  representatives  of  the 
"radical"  and  "critical"  schools.  Cf.  History  of 
Introduction. 

13.  The  school  of  negative  comparative  study  of  religion, 
which  systematically  confounds  analogy  with  genea- 
logy (concerning  the  documents  of  Christian  and 
non-Christian  religions)  may  be  called  the  modern 


BIBLICAL  HERMENEUTICS  127 

outgrowth  of  Rationalism.  Its  chief  representatives 
are:  Norden,  Jensen,  Reitzenstein,  Reinach,  Jere- 
mias,  DeHtzsch,  Cheyne,  etc. 

14.  The  Modernistic  Movement  was  the  reaction  of  radi^ 
cal  criticism  on  the  Catholic  side.  It  is  represented 
esp.  by  Loisy  (France)  and  Tyrrell  (England).  Its 
principles  are  enumerated  and  condemned  in  the 
Encyclical  of  Pius  X,  '' Lamentahili  sane  exiiu" 
(1907). 


CHAPTER  VII 
BIBLICAL  INSPIRATION 

LITERATURE 

Pesch,  Chr.,  De  Inspiratione  Sacrae  Scripturae,  Freiburg  i.  B,,  1906. 
Franzelin,  De  Divina  Traditione  et  Scriptura,  Rome,  1896. 
Billot,  De  Inspiratione  Sacrae  Scripturae,  Rome,  1906. 
Brucker,  Questions  Actuelles  d'  Ecriture  Sainte,  Paris,  1895. 
Dausch,  Die  Schriftinspiration,  Freiburg  i.  B.,  1891. 
Chase,  Chrysostom,A  Study  in  the  History  of  Biblical  Interpretation, 

London,  1887. 
Merkelbach,  ^Inspiration  des  Divines  Ecritures,  Principes  et 

Applications,  Lidge,  1913. 
Bainvel,  De  Scriptura  Sacra,  Paris,  1910. 

Inspiration  may  be  called  the  ''Biblical  Question''  par 
excellence  of  the  present  time.  A  historical  sketch  of  the 
development  of  the  problem  will  prove  valuable  for  the 
better  understanding  of  our  exposition. 

I.    Historical  Development  of  the  Question. 

literature 
FONCK,  Der  Kampf  urn  die  Wahrheit  der  hi.  Schrift,  1905. 

A.  Before  the  Encyclical  *Trovidentissimus  Deus." 

1 .  This  Encyclical  was  called  forth  by  strange  ideas 
on  biblical  inspiration,  which  had  suddenly  entered 
Catholic  teaching. 

2.  The  representatives  of  this  new  school,  though 
standing  on  Catholic  ground,  strove  to  restrict 
inspiration,  contrary  to  Catholic  tradition,  "ad 
res  fidei  et  morum.'" 

a)  The  first  serious  attempt  was  made  by  Lenor- 
mant   in   his  book  Les  Origines  de  V  Histoire 

128 


BIBLICAL  INSPIRATION  129 

d'apres  la  Bible  et  les  Traditions  des  Peuples 
Orientaux,  Paris  1880-84.  According  to  him, 
inspiration  concerns  only  religious  matters 
("res  fidei  et  morum")-  The  sacred  writer 
might  use  old  fables,  legends,  and  myths,  which, 
by  the  influence  of  inspiration,  become  the 
material  garment  of  eternal  truth. 
This  book  was  placed  on  the  Index,  Dec.  19, 1887. 

Against  Lenormanfs  theories: 
H.  Lefebvre  in  Revue  Catholique  de  Louvain,  1880. 
J.  Brucker  in  the  same  Revue,  1882. 
VON  HuMMELAUER  in  the  Stimmen  aus  Maria-Laach,  1881. 

b)  Similar  ideas,  but  not  quite  as  radical,  were  ad- 
vanced by  Cardinal  Newman  in  the  Nineteenth 
Century,  1884.  Inspiration,  he  held,  embraces 
''res  fidei  et  morurn"  and  also  the  historical  parts, 
hut  not,  strictly,  matters  of  natural  science.  The 
''obiter  dicta''  seem  to  be  excluded  from  inspira- 
tion. 

Against  Newman: 

Healy  in  the  Irish  Ecclesiastical  Record,  1884. 

HowLETT  in  the  Dublin  Review,  1893. 

Brucker  in  La  Controverse  et  le  Contemporain,  1884-85. 

c)  Analogous  ideas  were  propagated  b}'- 

W.  Clifford  in  the  Dublin  Review,  1881.. 
H.  Fa  YE,  Sur  VOrigine  du  Monde,  1884. 
Salvatore  di  Bartolo,  Criteri  Teologici,  1888. 
Berta,  Dei  cinque  libri  Mosaici,  1892. 
Semeria  in  the  Revue  Biblique,  1893. 
Savi  in  Science  Catholique,  1892-93. 

a)  New  and  greater  excitement  was  caused  by 
Msgr.  d'Hulst's  publication — La  Question  Bi- 


130     A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

blique,  1893,  embodying  the  ideas  of  the  new 
movement. 

LITERATURE 

a)  pro  Msgr.  d'Hulst: 

LoiSY  in  UEnseignement  Biblique,  1893. 

Savi  in  Science  Catholique,  1893. 
^)  against: 

Jaugey  in  Science  Catholique,  1892-93. 

Brucker  in  Etudes,  1893. 

e)  The  questions  in  dispute  are : 

a)  The  extent  of  inspiration. 

^)  The  effect  cf  inspiration,  esp.  its  inerrancy. 

f)  Amidst  the  ensuing  confusion  the  Encyclical 
* 'Provident* ssimus  Deus"  enunciated  the  correct 
principles,  and  a  new  phase  began.  (Cf.  Eccl. 
Decrees) 

B.  After  the  Encyclical  'Trovidentissimus  Deus." 

1.  a)  In  contrast  with  d'Hulst,  who  at  once  sub- 
mitted to  the  Church,  Loisy  (after  an  anonymous 
activity)  started  an  open  fight  against  the  En- 
cyclical. 

LOISY'S  BOOKS 

La  Religion  d' Israel,  1901, 

LEvangile  ct  VEglise,  1902, 

Autour  d'un  petit  Livre,  1903, 

Le  Quairieme  Evangile,  1903, 

Etudes  Evangeliques ,  1902, 

were  placed  on  the  Index,  Dec.  16,  1903. 

h)  Loisy' s  theories: 

a)  were  based  on  the  evolutionary  theory  of  Hegel 
(Germany),     Spence^    (England),     Sabatier 
(France) ; 
P)  denied  the  historical  credibility  of  the  Gospel ; 


BIBLICAL  INSPIRATION  131 

y)  but  sought  to  retain  the  appearance  of  ortho- 
doxy by  the  notorious  distinction :  Something 
may  be  historically  untrue,  though  theolog- 
ically true. 

LITERATURE 

a)  against  Loisy: 

Grandmaison  in  Etudes,  1903. 

Batiffol,  in  Bulletin  de  Litterature  Ecclesiastique,  1903-4. 

Lagrange,  in  the  same  review,  1904. 

Lepin  in  Jesus,  Messie  et  Fits  de  Dieu,  1904. 

^)  for  Loisy: 

A.  HouTiN,  La  Question  Biblique  chez  les  Catholiques,  etc.,  1902 
(Prohibited,  Dec.  4,  1903,  by  the  S.  C.  of  the  Index.) 

2.  Quite  different  from  Loisy  in  their  tendency,  but 
so  "advanced"  as  to  create  doubts  and  objections, 
were  the  theories  evolved 

a)  by  M.  J.  Lagrange  in  La  MMhode  Historique^ 
1903. 

a)  He  insists  on  a  new  kind  of  verbal  inspiration^ 
based  on  the  Thomistic  doctrine  of  the  co- 
operation of  God  with  the  acts  of  His  crea- 
tures. 

P)  What  the  sacred  writers  teach  (not  what  they 
write),  is  the  teaching  of  God.  And  they 
teach  only  what  they  affirm  categorically 
("ce  qu'ils  affirment  categoriquement'') .  Now 
there  is  a  ''genre  litteraire''  (parable)  where 
nothing  is  affirmed  about  reality;  it  serves 
merely  as  a  basis  for  moral  instruction. 

y)  Hence  there  are  secondary  elements  in  the 
Bible,  serving  as  garment  of  the  truth. 


132    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

B)  In  natural  science  the  sacred  writers  report 
''secundum  apparentiam.''  This  principle  can 
he  transferred  to  history.  Thus  the  period  from 
Adam  to  Abraham  does  not  represent  his- 
torical facts. 

b)  More  or  less  similar  ideas  were  developed  by 
Rose,  Zapletal,  Durand,  Prat  (with  special  refer- 
ence to  the  "citatio  implicita,'"  i.e.,  quotations  by- 
sacred  writers  without  mention  of  the  sources), 
Poets,  Sanders,  Zanecchia,  Hopfl,  Dufour,  Holz- 
hey,  Engelkemper ,  Peters. 

c)  Considerable  discussion  was  provoked  by  von 
Hummelauer' s  book  Exegetisches  zur  Inspira- 
tionsfrage,  1904,  which  is  practically  a  repetition 
of  Lagrange's  theories. 

a)  The  same  writer  emphasizes  the  distinction  of 
the  literary  types  (fables,  parables,  myths, 
religious  history,  popular  tradition,  pro- 
phetical and  apocalyptic  stories,  etc.)  with 
each  its  own  peculiar  truth,  which  differs  from 
absolute  truth. 

P)  He  also  recommends  the  extension  of  the 
''secundum  apparentiam''  principle  from  the 
realm  of  natural  science  to  history. 

LITERATURE   AGAINST   THESE   THEORIES 

Delattre,  Autour  de  la  Question  Bihlique,  Li^ge,  1904. 
MuRiLLO,  Critica  y  Exegesis,  Madrid,  1905. 
Brucker,  in  Etudes,  1905. 

McDonald,  in  the  Irish  Ecclesiastical  Record,  1905. 
Gottsberger,  Biblische  Zeitschrift,  1905. 

The  main  features  of  the  new  school  are  briefly : 
1.  Restriction  of  inspiration. 


BIBLICAL  INSPIRATION  133 

2.  Restriction  of  the  effect  (inerrancy)  of  inspiration. 

3.  Distinction  of  literary  types  with  their  peculiar,  but 
not  absokite  truth. 

4.  Consequently  distinction  of  absolute  and  relative 
truth  (according  to  literary  type) . 

5.  Equation  of  narratives  bearing  on  natural  science 
with  such  of  history. 

These  theories  have  been  condemned  by  the  En- 
cyclical "Spiritus  Paraclitus,''  Sept.  15,  1920. 

II.  Ecclesiastical   Decrees    concerning    inspiration    (cf. 
Eccesiastical  Decrees). 

1.  The  characterization  **divina  scriptura"  is  the  first 
step  towards  the  determination  of  inspiration 
(Council  of  Rome,  382;  of  Hippo,  393;  of  Carthage^ 
397  and  419). 

2.  The  declaration  that  God  is  the  **auctor  scripturae" 
is  the  second  step  {Statuta  Ecclesiae  Antiqua,  5th  or 
6th  cent.;  Council  of  Constantinople,  533  (''Spiritus 
Sanctus —  Conscriptor  ' ) . 

3.  Third  step:  the  resulting  inerrancy.  (Constitutio 
loannis  XXII,  1323;  Letter  of  Benedict  XII,  1341; 
Letter  of  Clement  VI,  1351.) 

4.  Further  elucidation  is  furnished : 

a)  By  the  Council  of  Florence,  1342.' 

a)     God  is  the  *'auctor  Scripturae.'' 
^)     Reason:  The  sacred  books  are  written  "Spiritu 
sancto  inspirante.'' 

b)  By  the  Council  of  Trent,  1546= 
a)    ''Deus  est  auctor  scripturae,*' 


134    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

p)     "The  sacred  books  are  written  "Spiritu  sancto 
dictante.'" 

y)  "Libri  ipsi  integri  cum  omnibus  suis  partibus, 
prout  in  Ecclesia  Catholica  legi  consueverunt^* 
accipiendi  sunt  ut  sacri  et  canonici. 

c)  By  the  Council  of  the  Vatican,  1870. 
a)     "Scriptura  divinitus  inspirata'' 

^)    The  sacred  books  are  written  "Spiritu  sancto 

inspirante.'" 
y)    ''Deus  est  auctor  librorum.'" 
I)    The  sacred  books  are  the   "scriptum  verbum 

Deir 
e)    Therefore  ''sine  err  or  e.'' 
0    The  character  of  inspiration  cannot  be  imparted 

by  the  subsequent  approbation  of  the  Church. 

5.  The  principles  are  summarized  in   the  Encyclical 
"Providentissimus  Deus,"  1893. 

a)  Determination  of  inspiration : 

a)    Deus  "excitavit''  sacros  scriptores, 

g)    Deus  "movit''  sacros  scriptores, 

y)    Deus  "astitit''  sacris  scriptoribus, 

I)     ^'ut  ea  omnia  eaque  sola,  qiiae  ipse  iuberet/' 

s)     ^'recte  mente  conciperent'* 

0    et  ''fideliter  conscribere  vellent" 

T))    et  "apte  infallibili  veritate  exprimerent." 

Therefore  God  is  "auctor  Scripturae  universae." 

b)  No  contradiction  is  possible  between  the  Bible  and 
natural  science. 

.  c)  Nor  between  the  Bible  and  history. 

d)  Inspiration  includes  not  only  "res  fidei  et  morum,'' 
but  the  entire  Bible. 


BIBLICAL  INSPIRATION  135 

6.  These  norms  were  repeated  in  the  Decisions  of  the 
Biblical  Commission : 

a)  The  assumption  of  an  erroneous  "citatio  tacita  vel 
implicM'  for  the  solution  of  the  difficulties  in  the 
Bible  is  not  admitted,  unless  it  can  be  proved 
' '  solidis  ctrgumentis : '  * 

a)  that  there  is  a  real  quotation  from  a  non- 
inspired  author, 

g)  and  that  the  sacred  writer  does  not  intend  by 
his  quotation  to  approve  of  the  contents  of  his 
quotation  or  to  make  it  his  own.  (Feb.  13, 
1905). 

b)  The  assumption  that  the  so-called  ''historical 
books"  of  the  Bible  do  not  contain  real  history  is  not 
permitted,  except  it  be  proved  ''solidis  argumentis.^* 
(June  23,  1905.) 

c)  The  historical  character  of  Genesis,  ch.  I-III,  must 
be  maintained.     (June  30,  1909). 

d)  Also  the  historical  value  of  John  (May  29,  1907). 

e)  The  Commission  insists  on  the  historicity  of 
Matthew  (1911),  Mark  and  Luke  (1912),  of  the 
Acts  and  the  Pastoral  Letters  (1913). 

f)  It  is  incorrect  to  say  that  St.  Paul  (I  Thess.  7F, 
13/.)  expressed  his  own  human  ideas,  "quibus  error 
vel  deceptio  subesse  possit''  (June  18,  1915). 

7.  Misinterpretations  of  the  Encyclical  '  Trovidentissi- 
mus  Deus"  and  the  theories  based  upon  it  i^oiz.:  of 
a  "primary'  and  "secondary'  element  in  the  Bible; 
of  a  "relative  truth''  in  the  sacred  books;  of  the 
"iuvabit  transferri";  of  the  "citatio  implicita";  of  the 
application  of  "literary  types,"  etc.)  have  been  cor- 


136     A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

rected   by    the    Encyclical  of  Pope  Benedict    XV, 
"Spiritus  Paraclitus"  (Sept.  15,  1920). 

III.  Exposition  of  the  Principles  of  Inspiration. 
1.  The  Fact  of  Inspiration. 

A.  It  cannot  he  established  by  internal  reasons, 

a)  such  as  sublimity  of  contents, 

b)  or  even  by  the  narratives  of  miracles  and 
prophecies,  which  do  not  prove  inspiration, 

c)  nor  by  the  subjective  (inner)  testimony  of  the 
Spirit  (Protestant  theory). 

B.  But  only  by  positive  external  testimony,  which  con- 
sists in  these  facts: 

a)  That  Christ  and  His  Apostles  confirmed  the 
belief  of  the  Jews  that  the  Bible  is  a  divine 
document  (Matth.  XXI,  42  f.;  Luke  IV,  21  f.; 
XVI,  31 ;  John  V  39,  46,  etc.); 

b)  That  the  Apostles  used  the  books  of  the  O.  T.  as 
a  divine  testimony  for  Christ  (Acts  XVIII,  28; 
Rom.  X,  11;  Gal.  Ill,  8  f.,  etc.); 

c)  That  the  ''Scriptura''  is  directly  attributed  to 
"Spiritus  sanctus''  as  author  (Acts  I,  16); 

d)  That  II  Tim.  Ill,  16  speaks  of  "xaja  ypa^-^ 
GeoxveuaToq"; 

e)  That  II  Pet.  I,  21  gives  the  essence  of  the  defini- 
tion of  "inspiratio" :  *^  Non  enim  voluntate 
humana  allata  est  aliquando  prophetia,  sed 
spiritu  sancto  inspirati,  locuti  sunt  sancti  Dei 
homines,'"  which  refers  to  the  ^'prophetia  Scrip- 
turae''  (v.  20); 

f)  That  II  Pet.  Ill,  16  places  the  Epistles  of  St. 
Paul  on  a  level  with  the  "ceterae  Scripturae^ 


BIBLICAL  INSPIRATION  137 

C.  Our  thesis  is  confirmed  by  the  Patristic  writers,  the 
witnesses  of  Tradition,  who  teach 

a)  That  the  sacred  books  were  written  by  the  Holy 
Ghost  and  hence  are  the  letter  of  God  to  men 
(Clement  of  Rome,  Irenaeus,  Hippolytus,  Clem- 
ent of  Alexandria,  Origen,  Chrysostom,  Theo- 
doret,  Theophilus  of  Antioch,  Athanasius, 
Augustine,  Gregory  the  Great); 

c)  That  inspiration  embraces  every  part  of  the  Bible 
(Gregory  Naz.,  Origen,  Jerome,  Augustine, 
Chrysostom) ; 

d)  That  the  authorship  is  attributed  to  the  Holy 
Ghost,  not  to  human  writers  (Origen,  Ambrose, 
Cassiodorus) ; 

e)  That  this  means:  God  is  the  principal  author 
and  the  sacred  writers  are  His  instruments 
(Justin,  Hippolytus,  Athenagoras,  Gregory  the 
Great,  Theodoret).     Cf.  Fonck. 

2.  The  Nature  of  Inspiration. 

A.  The  sensus  communis  catholicus  about  inspiration, 
based  on  the  decisions  of  the  Church,  is  this : 

*'  Inspiratio  biblica  est  charismatica  illustratio 
intellect  us  et  motio  voluntatis  et  assistentia  divina 
hagiographo  praestita  ad  ea  omnia  et  sola  scriben- 
da,  quae  Deus  suo  nomine  scribi  et  Ecclesiae  tradi 
vuUy  (Pesch,  De  Inspiratione  Sacrae  Scripturae, 
p.  437.) 

B.  This  definition  includes  four  elements ; 
a)  The  illustratio  intellectus : 


138    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

a)  in  reference  to  something  either  already 
known  or  still  unknown  to  the  author. 

P)  If  unknown,  inspiration  includes  a  revelation. 
But  this  is  not  necessary,  hence  not  essential 
to  inspiration.  Luke  1,3,  II  Mace.  II,24f. 
presuppose  the  authors'  own  work. 

b)  The  motio  voluntatis. 

Since  knowledge  alone  is  not  yet  an  inspira- 
tion to  write,  it  must  be  accompanied  by  the 
practical  supernatural  decision  that  this  or  that 
specific  matter  is  to  be  written  down,  and  by  the 
supernatural  motion  of  the  will  to  carry  out  this 
decision.     (Cf.  II  Pet.  I,  21.) 

c)  Assistentia  divina  in  scribendo. 

If  God  is  to  remain  the  author.  He  must  grant 
His  assistance  to  write  without  error. 

d)  Finis  proprius. 

The  purpose  of  this  writing  must  be  that  the 
book  be  given  to  the  Church  as  guide.  If  in- 
spiration were  given  by  God  for  private  use, 
we  would  not  be  bound  to  believe  in  it,  and  such 
an  inspiration  would  differ  from  the  inspiration 
of  Scripture.  Consequently  whatever  book  the 
Church  has  declared  to  be  canonical,  is  inspired 
Scriptrue. 
This  inspiration  is  quite  another  thing  from  rhetorical  or  poetical 

inspiration,  which  can,  but  ne^d  not,  be  attributed  to  Biblical 

inspiration. 

C.  The  result  of  inspiration  is  the  inerrancy  of  the 
Bible. 

a)  The  Fathers  are  unanimous  on  this  point. 


BIBLICAL  INSPIRATION  139 

b)  They  declare  the  doctrine  of  the  inerrancy  of 
S.  Scripture  emphatically  to  be  a  "depositum 
Meir 

c)  especially  in  regard  to  the  historical 
parts.  (Clement  of  Rome,  Justin,  Origan, 
Eusebius,  Basil,  Gregory  Naz.,  Chrysostom, 
Jerome,  Augustine). 

D.  Concerning  the  human  instrument. 

Inspiration 

a)  does  not  destroy  hut  elevates  the  natural  faculties 
of  the  writer; 

b)  it  does  not  represent  what  the  writer  knows  and 
thinks,  hut  what  he  writes ; 

c)  it  guarantees  the  infallihle  truth  of  that  which 
God  intended  to  be  written  by  the  author. 
Thus  the  sacred  books  not  only  contain  the  word 
of  God,  but  they  are  the  word  of  God ; 

d)  it  does  not  imply  that  the  sacred  writer  neces- 
sarily was  conscious  of  inspiration. 

E.  The  grace  of  inspiration  is  neither  identical  nor 
necessarily  connected  with  the  dignity  of  the 
apostolate.     Mark  and  Luke  were  not  Apostles. 

F.  The  character  of  inspiration  cannot  be  produced  by 
a  subsequent  approval  of  a  book  either  by  God  or 
by  the  Church. 

G.  Inspiration  does  not  bar  the  scientific  investiga- 
tion of  the  sacred  books. 

a)  Inspiration  guarantees  the  inerrancy,  but  is 
silent  regarding  the  author,  the  date,  the  sources, 
the  text,  the  literary  type,  and  the  interpretation 


140    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

of  a  book.     All  these  points  are  left  to  human 
scholarship. 

b)  It  guarantees  the  truth y  but  not  the  completeness 
and  perfection  of  the  statement ; 

c)  It  guarantees  the  truth,  but  this  is  not  always 
evident  at  first  sight,  since  truth  can  be  expressed 

a)    in  a  dogmatic  and  absolute  manner ; 
P)    in  a  rhetorical  manner ; 
y)    in  a  poetical  manner ; 
8)    in  a  metaphorical  manner ; 
e)    in  a  parabolical  manner ; 
0    in  an  allegorical  manner; 
Y})    or  secundum  apparentiam  in  regard  to  the 
phenomena  of  nature. 
Criticism,   guided  by   the   Magisterium   Ec- 

clesiae,  has  to  ascertain  the  exact  meaning  of 

each  expression  and  its  truth. 

H.  The  Extent  of  Inspiration. 

a)  According  to  the  decisions  of  the  Church,  in 
agreement  with  the  Patristic  tradition  (cf.  In- 
errancy), inspiration  covers  the  whole  Bible  in  all 
its  parts. 

b)  To  restrict  it  to  ''res  fidei  et  morum''  is  there- 
fore contra  Ecclesiam. 

c)  Hence  the  apphcation  of  the  theory  of  an  erro- 
neous "citatio  tacita  vel  implicita''  in  order  to 
solve  difficulties,  is  not  admissible,  except  it  be 
proved, 

a)    that  the  sacred  wri^-er  did  quote ; 
&)    that  he  did  not  make    the    contents    of 
the  quotation  his  own  (BibL  Com.,  1905). 


BIBLICAL  INSPIRATION  141 

d)  The   ^^citatio  explicita^'  not  only  contains  the 
^'Veritas  citationis''  but  also  ''veritas  absoluta.'' 

e)  A  clear  distinction  must  be  drawn  between  natural 
science  and  history. 

Natural  science: 
a)    God  does  not  give  scientific  instructions 
about  the  mysteries  of  nature ; 

g)  nor  did  the  sacred  writer  by  a  scientia 
infusa  obtain  special  knowledge  about  it 
beyond  the  limitations  of  his  time. 

y)  Nevertheless  it  belongs  to  the  realm  of 
inspiration,  and  the  Scriptures  cannot 
make  mistakes  in  this  respect. 

8)  The  seeming  difficulties  can  be  solved  by 
the  observation  that  a  popular  expression 
about  a  phenomenon  of  nature  {e.g.,  the 
sun  rises)  is  not  erroneous,  as  long  as  it 
does  not  represent  the  judgment  of  the 
intellect  on  the  real  fact  behind  the 
phenomenon.  But  such  popular  expres- 
sion is  possible  without  implying  said 
judgment,  and  independently  of  it,  and 
therefore  it  can  be  true  notwithstanding 
subjective  error  in  the  mind  of  the  writer. 
But  this  principle  cannot  be  transferred 
from  natural  phenomena  to  historical 
facts;  these  must  be  either  true  or  un- 
true. The  difficulty  has  to  be  solved  in 
every  particular  case. 


142     A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

History, 
a)    The  historical  reports  of  the  Bible  must 
present  absolute  truth, 

p)  The  "juvabit  transferrin^  of  the  Encyclical 
" Providentissimus  Deus'^  does  not  justify 
the  equation  of  the  difficulties  concerning 
the  phenomena  of  nature  with  those  of 
history^  since  the  tendency  and  context  of 
the  Encyclical  are  against  it  (cf .  the  recent 
Encyclical  "Spiritus  Paraclitus^''  under: 
"Eccl.  decrees"). 

f)    But  the  absolute  inerrancy  of  the  Bible  does 
not  demand  verbal  inspiration. 

a)  The  old  Protestant  view  that  God  dictated 
word  for  word  to  the  sacred  writer,  is  un- 
tenable, as  is  evident  from  numerous  cases  in 
the  Bible.  JS.g.,  the  four  reports  of  the  Last 
Supper  in  the  four  Gospels  show  a  different 
wording,  though  they  embody  the  same  con- 
tents. 

P)  The  modern  theory  of  verbal  inspiration,  known 
as  the  neo-verbal  inspiration  theory,  is  based 
on  the  hypothesis  of  the  general  co-operation 
of  God  with  the  acts  of  His  creatures  and  is 
likewise  untenable.  This  general  co-operation 
is  different  from  the  special  grace  of  Biblical 
inspiration  (cf.  the  Encyclical  ^'Spiritus 
Paraclitus"). 

y)  Hence  the  influence  of  inspiration  on  the 
sacred  writers  is 


BIBLICAL  INSPIRATION  143 

aa)  negative,  in  regard  to  the  form  or  wording, 
inasmuch  as  it  prevents  mistakes; 

P^)  positive,  as  to  the  contents,  in  so  far  as  it 
illustrates  and  moves  the  author  to  write 
down  under  divine  assistance  what  is  in- 
tended by  God.  (Inspiration  as  to  sub- 
stance.) 

8)  This  concept  of  inspiration  (i.e.,  as  to  sub- 
stance) is  presupposed  by  the  decisions  of  the 
Biblical  Commission 
aa)     of  June  27,  1906,  by  which  the  opinion  is 
permitted  that  Moses,  the  inspired  author, 
furnished  the  ideas,  whereas  his  amanu- 
enses wrote  them  down  in  their  own  words; 
gp)     of  June  24,  1914,  where  a  similar  theory 
concerning  the  authorship  of  Hebrews  is 
allowed. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

ECCLESIASTICAL  DECREES  CONCERNING  THE 
BIBLE 

LITERATURE 

L.   FoNCK,   Documenta  Ecclesiastica   Rem   Biblicam   Spectantia, 

Rome,  1915. 
Dausch,  Die  Schriftinspiration,  Freiburg,  1891. 

I.  Earlier  Decrees. 

1.  The  decree  of  the  CouncU  of  Rome  (382),  under 
Pope  Damasus,  probably  influenced  by  St.  Jerome, 
gives  the  first  official  account  of  the  exact  Biblical 
Canon;  it  shows  by  speaking  *'de  divinis  scripturis'* 
that  it  attributes  divine  authority  to  the  Bible. 

2.  The  Council  of  Hippo  (393). 

3.  Two  Councils  of  Carthage  (397  and  419). 

They  confirm  the  0.  T.  Canon  including  the  deu- 
terocanonical  books  and  the  N.  T.  Canon  of  27 
books,  and  declare  that  besides  the  canonical  books 
nothing  shall  be  read  in  the  Church  **  nomine 
divinarum  scripturarumy 

4.  The  **Statuta  Ecclesiae  antiqua"  (5th-6th  cent.) 
contain  for  the  first  time  the  expression,  which  later 
became  common,  that  God  is  the  "auctor  .  .  .  Novi 
et  Vetens  Testamenn  " 

5.  The  Council  of  Constantinople  (553),  Sessio  V, 
dealing  with  the  doctrmes  of  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia, 
declares  that  Theodore's  attitude  is  opposed  to  the 
*'Spiritus  Sanctus,''  the  *'conscriptor''  of  the  sacred 
books. 

144 


ECCLESIASTICAL  DECREES  145 

6.  The  Constitutio  loannis  XXII  (1323). 

7.  The  Letter  of  Benedict  XII  (1341)  to  the  Patriarch  of 
Armenia. 

8.  The  Letter  of  Clement  VI  (1351)  to  the  same. 

They  emphasize  the  infallibility  and  inerrancy  of 
the  Bible. 

II.  Later  Conciliar  Decisions  Concerning  the  Bible. 

1.  The  Council  of  Florence  (1442)  declares 

a)  "  Unum  atque  eundem  Deum  Veteris  et  Novi 
Testamenti  aiictorem ' '; 

b)  Reason:  ^'quoniam  eodem  Spiritu  Sancto  inspirante 
utriusque  Testamenti  Sancti  locuti  sunt.^* 

c)  The  same  council  promulgates  the  precise  de- 
lineation of  the  0.  T.  and  the  N.  T.  Canons. 

2.  The  Council  of  Trent  (1546)  states  in  Sessio  IV 
{"Decretumde  Editioneet  Usu  Sacrorum  Lihrorum'') 

a)  "  Utriusque  Testamenti  unus  Deus  est  auctor.'' 

b)  The  sacred  Tradition  and  the  Scriptures  are  equally 
true  because  they  came  into  existence  ''Spiritu 
Sancto  dictantey  ''Dictare'"  is  here  to  be  taken  in 
a  figurative  sense,  directly  referring  to  "traditio,'* 
indirectly  to  '' Scriptural  Hence  ''Spiritu  Sancto 
dictante'  postulates  the  authorship  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  as  to  the  substance,  but  not  as  to  every  word 
(verbal  inspiration). 

c)  The  Tridentine  Council  repeats  the  exact  fixation 
of  the  O.  T.  and  N.  T.  Canons.  This  decision 
continues  an  object  of  controversy  because  of  the 
passage:  "Si  quis  autem  libros  ipsos  integros  cum, 
omnibus  suis  partibus,  prout  in  Ecclesta  cathglicq 


146    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

legi  consueverunt,  et  in  veteri  vulgata  latina  editione 
habentur,  pro  sacris  et  canonicis  non  susceperit  .  .  . 
a.  5." 
Hence, 

1)  The  Bible  is  declared  canonical  in  the  concrete 
form  of  the  Vulgate,  which  does  not  mean, 
however,  that  the  Latin  translation  is  inspired. 

2)  But  in  the  expression  ^'integri  cum  omnibus 
suis  partibus''  in  reference  to  the  Vulgate, 
*'partibus''  is  not  to  be  understood  in  an  un- 
limited sense,  since  the  'Tatres  Concilii"  had 
certain  ''partes''  in  mind  which  were  disputed 
at  that  time  {viz.:  some  O.  T.  passages  and 

Mark  XVI,  9-20;  Luke  XXn,  43  f.;  John  VH, 

53-VIII,  11).  The  limitation  is  defined  by 
the  addition:  'Trout  in  Ecclesia  Catholica 
legi  consueverunt.'* 

3)  The  whole  Bible,  however,  is  safeguarded  by 
"integri,"  which  does  not  permit  any  attack 
against  essential  parts  of  the  Vulgate. 

3.  The  Council  of  the  Vatican  (1870),  Sessio  III: 
.   a)  corrects,  first  of  all,  a  twofold  mistake  concerning 
inspiration,  viz. : 

a)  that  the  books  "sola  humana  industria  concin- 
nati,  sua  [Ecclesiae]  deinde  auctoritate  sint 
approbati." 

P)  that  the  books  are  inspired  "quod  revelationem 
sine  error e  continent." 

b)  explains    inspiration.      The   Biblical    books    are 
inspired : 


ECCLESIASTICAL  DECREES  147 

a)  because   they  are  written  "Spiritu  Sancto  in- 

spirante.*' 
P)  Therefore:  "Deum  hab3nt  audorem.'* 
y)  The  Adnotationes  to  the  decree  explain  that  the 
'Hihrorum  auctorseu  auctor  scriptionis''  is  God  and 
that  the  books  are  the  '^scriptum  Verbum  Dei.*' 

But  it  is  to  be  kept  in  mind :  The  Vatican  Coun- 
cil (according  to  Franzelin  who,  as  one  of  the 
**Patres  Concilii,''  furnishes  an  authentic  explana- 
tion), did  not  intend  to  give  an  express  definition 
of  inspiration,  as  to  its  extent  or  the  absolute 
infallibility  of  the  Bible  beyond  the  decrees  of 
Trent;  the  attitude  of  the  Council  towards  these 
points  is  obvious, 
c)  Provides  some  rules  of  interpretation* 

III.  The  Encyclical  "Providentissimus  Deus,"  by  Leo 

XIII,  Nov.  18,  1893  (cf.  Appendix),  is  the  most  im- 
portant document  in  the  recent  history  of  the  Biblical 

question. 

1.  First  of  all  it  proclaims  the  dignity  and  importance 
of  the  Bible  and  the  reverence  which  the  Church  has 
had  for  it  at  all  times ; 

2.  It  supplies  important  rules  and  principles  of  interpre- 
tation (the  Council  urges  esp.  well-trained  professors 
of  Biblical  Science  for  the  seminaries  and  universi- 
ties). 

3.  It  points  out  the  authority  and  authenticity  of  the 
sacred  books. 

4.  It  recommends  as  means  for  its  defense: 


148    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

a)  The  study  of  the  ancient  languages,  natural  science, 
and  history; 

b)  Caution  against  the  theories  of  Rationalism ; 

c)  Careful  consultation  of  Patristic  literature; 

d)  The  use  of  sound  critical  methods. 

5.  It  sets  forth  the  doctrine  of  inspiration: 

a)  No  contradiction  is  possible  between  the  Bible 
and  natural  science,  as  both  are  from  God ; 

b)  Nor  between  the  Bible  and  history ; 

c)  Gives  a  clearer  definition  of  inspiration: 
*'Supernaturali  ipse  [Spiritus  Sanctus]  virtute  ita 
eos  [scriptores]  ad  scribendum  excitavit  et  movit, 
ita  scribentibus  adstitit,  tit  ea  omnia  eaque  sola  qtiae 
ipse  juberet,  et  recte  mente  conciperent,  et  fideliter 
conscribere  vellent,  et  apte  infallibili  veritate  expri- 
merent:  secus  non  ipse  esset  auctor  Sacrae  Scripturae^ 

d)  Inspiration  affects  not  only  the  doctrines  pertain- 
ing to  faith  and  morals,  but  the  entire  contents  of 
the  Bible. 

6.  The  Significance  of  the  Encyclical. 

a)  Some  regarded  it  as  a  ''definitio  ex  cathedra." 
-       b)  But  most  theologians  do  not  accept  this  as  the 

original  intention  of  the  Pope  and  see  in  it  an 

authoritative f  though  not  a  definitive,  decision  of  the 

Holy  See. 
c)  Certainly  the  Encyclical  does  not  permit  freedom 

of  contrary  opinion. 

IV.  A  decree  of  the  Congregatio  Inquisitionis,  Jan.  13, 1897, 
declared  the  authenticity  of  the  **Comma  loanneum" 
(I  John  V,  7:  "Quoniam  tres  sunt  qui  testimonium  dant 


ECCLESIASTICAL  DECREES  149 

in  coelo:  Pater,  Verhum  et  Spiritus  Sanctus  et  hi  Ires 
unum  sunt,  etc.").  However,  Leo  XIII  told  Cardinal 
Vaughan  that  this  decree  was  not  meant  to  end  the 
discussion  about  the  authenticity  of  the  passage. 
Of.  Revue  Biblique,  1898. 

V.  Later  Documents  of  Leo  XIII. 

1.  A  letter  to  the  General  of  the  Franciscans,  Nov.  25, 
1898,  warns  against  "genus  interpretandi  audax 
atque  immodice  liberum.^* 

2.  An  encyclical  to  the  Archbishops,  Bishops,  and  clergy 
of  France,  Sept.  S,1S99 

a)  Warns  against  dangerous  modern  tendencies  in  the 
interpretation  of  the  Bible ; 

b)  Also  against  an  excessive  admiration  for  Ration- 
alism ; 

c)  And  recommends  recourse  to  the  Fathers. 

3.  The  Liter ae  Apostolicae  Leonis  XIII,  "Vigilantiae 
studiique  memores,'"  Oct.  30,  1902,  are  the  charter 
of  the  new  Institute  of  the  Biblical  Commission  and 
outline  a  course  of  solid  Catholic  Bible  study. 

VI.  The  Liter  ae  Apostolicae  Pii  X,  "Scripturae  Sanctae,'* 
Feb.  23,  1904,  announce  the  establishment  of  a 
Biblical  Institute  in  Rome. 

VII.  The  Letter  of  Pius  X  to  Bishop  Le  Camus,  Jan.  11, 
1906,  recommends  for  the  study  of  the  Bible  a  middle 
course  between  the  modern  "temeritas''  and  a  too 
rigorous  adherence  to  the  "usitata  exegesis.'' 

VIII.  The  Encyclical  of  Pius  X,  "Quoniam  in  re  biblica," 
March  27,    1906,  points  out  the  principles  that 


150    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

should  direct  Biblical  study  in  the  theological  in- 
stitutes and  lays  down  an  "Order  of  Studies." 

IX.  The  "Lamentabili  sane  exitu,"  or  new  Syllabus  of 
Errors  condemned  by  the  Roman  Inquisition,  July  3, 
1907,  deals  (thesis  9-37)  with  the  most  important 
problems  of  the  Biblical  question. 

X.  The  Encyclical  of  Pius  X,  **Pascendi  Dominici  Gregis," 

against  Modernism,  Sept.  8,  1907,  warns  against 
aprioristic  and  perverse  criticism  in  general  and  fur- 
nishes important  directions  for  the  study  of  the  Bible. 

XL  The  ''Motu  Propria''  of  Pius  X,  ''Praestantia  Scrip- 
turae''  Nov.  18,  1907,  against  Modernism  in  Bible 
study,  prohibits  attacks  upon  the  decisions  of  the 
Biblical  Commission  ^'verbis  scriptisve,'"  and  threatens 
the  "  Contradictor es''  of  the  Biblical  decrees  with  ex- 
communication. 

XII.  The  Literae  Apostolicae  Pit  X,  ''Vinea  electa/'  May 
7,  1909,  is  the  charter  of  the  Biblical  Institute  in 
Rome  and  outlines  its  purpose. 

XIII.  Decisions  of  the  Biblical  Commission.* 

1.  Feb.    13,    1905:  concerning  the   "citatio  tacita"  or 
*'iinplicita.'* 

2.  June  23,  1905:  concerning  the  historical  parts  of  the 
Bible. 

3.  June  27,  1906:  concerning  the  Mosaic  origin  of  the 
Pentateuch. 


*  Published  since  1909  in  the  Acta  Apostolicae  Sedis;  before  that 
time  in  the  Revue  Biblique,  organ  of  the  Biblical  School  in 
Jerusalem,  under  P.  Lagrange. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  DECREES  151 

.4.  May  29,   1907:  concerning  the  author  and  the  his- 
torical value  of  the  Gospel  of  St.  John. 

5.  June  28,  1908:  concerning  the  character  and  author  of 
the  book  of  Isaias. 

6.  June  30,  1909:  concerning  the  historical  character  of 
Genesis  ch.  I-III. 

7.  May  1,  1910:  concerning  the  authors  and  date  of  the 
Psalms. 

8.  June  19,  1911:  concerning  the  author,  date,  and  his- 
toricity  of  the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew. 

9.  June  26, 1912 :  concerning 

1)  the  author,  date,  and  historicity  of  the  Gospels  of 
Mark  and  Luke  (the  end  of  Mark); 

2)  the  synoptic  question. 

10.  June  12,  1913:  concerning: 

1)  the  author,  date,  and  historicity  of  the  Acts; 

2)  the  author,  date,  and  historicity  of  the  Pastoral 
Letters. 

11.  June  24, 1914:  concerning  the  author  of  the  Epistle  to 
the  Hebrews. 

12.  June  18,  1915:  concerning  the  Parousia  of  Christ  in 
the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul. 

XIV.  The  Encyclical  **Spiritus  Paraclitus"  of  Benedict 
XV,  Sept.  15, 1920. 

1.  Its  general  purpose:  "ad  considerandam  eius  [i.e., 
Sti.  Hieronymi]  doctrinam  de  divina  dignitate  atque 
ahsoliita  Scripturarum  veritate.'' 

2.  The  threefold  notion  of  inspiration  is  emphatically 
repeated.  The  office  of  the  Divine  Spirit  towards  the 
sacred  writer  is: 


152    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

a)  ^^menti  lumen  praeferre  ad  verum;*^ 

b)  "voluntatem  mover e  atque  ad  scribendum  im- 
peller e;'' 

c)  "ipsi  [scriptori]  peculiariter  continuiterque  adesse, 
donee  lihrum  perficiat.'' 

This  is  a  confirmation  of  the  classical  definition  of 
inspiration  given  by  the  ''  Providentissimus  Deus." 
Cf.  above. 

3.  The  method  of  those  is  condemned  who  ''decessoris 
nostri  praecepta  neglexerint  et  certos  fines  terminosque 
a  Patrihus  constitutos  praeterierint.''  Great  stress  is 
laid  on  the  study  of  Patristic  literature. 

4.  The  transgressors  of  the  fines  patemi  are  those 

a)  who  distinguish  a  primary  and  secondary  element 
in  the  Bible,  i.e.,  ''elementum  .  .  .  primarium  seu 
religiosum,  et  secundarium  seu  profanum;'^ 

b)  who  accept  verbal  inspiration  in  the  modem  sense, 
but  restrict  its  effects  to  the  ''elementum  primarium 
seu  religiosum;'' 

c)  who  consider  the  "secondary  element,'*  "quasi 
quaedam  externa  divinae  veritatis  vestis,''  freely  com- 
posed by  the  writer,  who  may  therefore  record 
statements  which  cannot  be  reconciled  with 
modern  progress ; 

d)  who  accept  only  a  relative  truth  in  the  Scriptures, 
i.e.,  statements  which,  though  erroneous  in  them- 
selves, represent  correctly  the  opinions  current  at 
the  time  of  the  author. 

e)  esp.  those  who  dare  appeal  to  the  Encyclical  of 
Leo  XIII,  i.e.,  the  text  of  the  Providentissimus, 
"iuvabit  transferri,"  ioT  the  support  of  their  mis- 


ECCLESIASTICAL  DECREES  153 

taken  theory  that  the  principle  *' secundum  externam 
speciem,'*  applicable  only  to  natural  phenomena, 
can  also  be  applied  to  the  historical  reports  of  the 
author. 

5.  The  Encyclical  brands  this  last  theory  as  *'rem  in 
decessorem  Nostrum  plane  iniuriosam  et  falsam 
plenamque  erroris,"  and  explains: 

a)  There  is  a  difference  between  ''natural  phenomena'* 
and  history.  As  to  the  former,  the  expression  of 
the  writer  must  agree  with  the  phenomenon;  in 
matters  of  history,  however,  it  must  agree  with 
the  reality  of  the  facts  reported. 

b)  The  "iuvabit  transferri"  does  not  refer  to  the  ''se- 
cundum apparentiam'*  principle  for  natural  phe- 
nomena, but  to  the  methods  of  defending  the  his- 
toricity of  Biblical  passages,  "ut  haud  dissimili 
ratione  utamur  ad  refellendas  adversariorum  fal- 
lacias." 

c)  It  is  a  mistake  to  quote  Jerome  for  the  principle  of 
"relative  truth." 

d)  It  is  against  ecclesiastical  tradition  to  accept  the 
theory  of  the  "citationes  implicitae''  and  "narra- 
tiones  specietenus  historicae''  in  the  sense  of  some 
critics. 

e)  It  is  false  to  hold  the  theory  of  literary  types,  mean- 
ing: ''genera  quaedam  .  .  .  quihuscum  integra  ac 
perfecta  verhi  divini  Veritas  componi  nequeat.'' 

f)  It  is  wrong  to  say  that  the  words  of  the  Lord,  esp.  in 
the  fourth  Gospel,  have  not  come  down  to  us 
"immutatay 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  BIBLE  AND  THE  COMPARATIVE  STUDY 
OF  RELIGIONS 

A.  The  New  Testament  and  the  Comparative  Study  of 
Religions. 

LITERATURE 

Martindale,  History  of  Religions,  Cath.  Truth  Society,  London, 

1908. 
HUBY,  Manuel  d'Histoire  des  Religions,  1912. 
CuMONT,  Les  Religions  Orientales  dans  le  Paganisme  Romain,  1909. 
Pauly-Wissowa,  Realencyclopddie  der  klass.  AUertumswissenschaft, 

1912. 
Frazer,  The  Golden  Bough,  1900  ff. 
Reinach,  Cults,  Myths,  and  Religions,  1912. 
Hatch,  The  Influence  of  Greek  Ideas  and  Usages  upon  the  Christian 

Church,  1890. 
Wendland,  Hellenistic  Ideas  of  Salvation,  etc.,  Am.  Journ.  of 

Theology,  1913. 
Hill,  Some  Palestinian  Cults  in  the  Graeco-Roman  Age,  1912. 
Smith,  The  Religion  of  the  Semites,  1894. 
SchUrer,  History  of  the  Jewish  People,  1910. 
Max  MUller,  Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  1880  ff. 
Reitzehstein,  Die  hellenistischen  Mysterienreligionen,  1910. 
Lagrange,  Etudes  sur  les  Religions  Semitiques,  1905. 
Kennedy,  St.  Paul  and  the  Mystery  Religions,  1913. 
Dietrich,  Eine  Mythrasliturgie,  1910. 
Y^ESTFUAL,  Mithras  et  le  Christ,  1911. 
Batiffol,  Orpheus  et  VEvangile,  1912. 
Gunkel,    Zum   religionsgeschichtlichen    Verstdndniss   des    Neuen 

Testamentes,  1903. 
Kroll,   Die  Beziehungen   des  klassischen   Altertums   zu  den  hi. 

Schriften  des  Alien  und  Neuen  Testamentes,  1913. 
Allo,  L'Evangile  en  Face  du  Syncretisme  Paien,  1910. 
Bonhoffer,  Epiktet  und  das  Neue  Testament,  1911. 

154 


THE  COMPARATIVE  STUDY  OF  RELIGIONS  155 

Jeremias,  Babylonisches  im  Neuen  Testament,  1905. 
Karge,  Babylonisches  im  Neuen  Testament,  1913. 
Clemen,  Christianity  and  Its  Non- Jewish  Sources,  1912. 

I.  The  New  Testament  according  to  the  Destructive 
School  of  Science  of  Comparative  Religions.  This 
school  contends : 

1.  The  New  Testament  and  the  New  Testament  religion 
are  the  natural  outgrowth  of  the  intellectual  move- 
ments during  the  last  centuries  before  Christ.  They 
are  the  upshot  of  Syncretism,  i.e.,  the  alloy  produced 
in  the  crucible  of  mutually  exchanged  religions,  re- 
ligious philosophies  and  cults  pervading  the  Greco- 
Roman  and  Oriental  world  of  thought. 

2.  This  Syncretism  was  conditioned  and  furthered  by 
the  active  inter-communication  of  the  peoples  around 
the  Mediterranean  Sea,  and  especially  by  the  Roman 
military  system. 

3.  Hence  there  is  no  essential  difference  between  New 
Testament  teaching  and  pagan  doctrines  current 
at  the  time  of  Christ,  but  only  a  distinctio  secundum 
gradiim. 

These  theories  were  condemned  July  3,   1907,  by 
thesis  60  of  the  Syllabus  of  Pius  X. 

II.  Need  and  Usefulness  of  the  Constructive  Study  of 
Comparative  Religions  for  the  New  Testament  Stu- 
dent. 

1 .  For  apologetical  purposes  it  is  imperative  to  meet  the 
powerful  new  attacks  by  a  thorough  acquaintance 
with  the  respective  problems. 

2.  For  the  intelligent  study  of  the  New  Testament: 


156    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

a)  it  is  an  invaluable  advantage  to  be  familiar  with 
the  historical  environments  of  the  New  Testament 
literature ; 

b)  this  will  demonstrate  ad  oculos  the  supernatural 
character  of  the  New  Testament. 

c)  It  will  deepen  and  strengthen  one's  grasp  on  the 
significance  of  New  Testament  facts  and  doctrines. 

d)  In  short:  objectively  considered,  the  comparative 
study  of  religions  supplies  the  most  helpful  light 
for  the  interpretation  of  many  obscure  and  baffling 
problems,  and  the  confirmation  of  the  absolute  and 
unique  character  of  the  New  Testament. 

[II.  The  Question. 

1.  Is  the  New  Testament  teaching  essentially  identical 
with  the  doctrines  of  contemporary  pagan  religious 
philosophy? 

2.  Are  there  striking  similarities  between  the  data  of 
New  Testament  literature  and  those  of  other  relig- 
ions? 

3.  Do  the  existing  analogies  involve  genealogy,  i.e., 
dependence  on  and  a  natural  evolution  of  New 
Testament  teaching  from  other  religions? 

4.  If  the  New  Testament  claims  superiority,  in  what 
does  that  superiority  consist? 

To  answer  these  questions  let  us  briefly  review 
the  essential  tenets  of  the  religions  contemporary 
with  the  New  Testament  writers  and  their  pos- 
sible contact  with  the  birth-place  of  Christianity. 

IV.  Historical  Aspect  of  the  Religious  Ide^is  Surrounding 
the  Origin  of  the  New  Testament. 


THE  COMPARATIVE  STUDY  OF  RELIGIONS  157 

1.  The  Jewish  Religion  in  New  Testament  Times. 

A.  In  Palestine. 

a)  After  the  Exile,  devotion  to  stricter  religious 
principles  and  with  it  the  decline  of  pagan  assim- 
ilation resulted  in  the  religious  caste  of  the 
Scribes. 

b)  But  under  the  Ptolemies  and  the  Seleucidae, 
Hellenism  seeped  into  Palestine,  and  attracted 
especially  the  higher  classes,  causing  a  rapid  de- 
cay of  the  old  religious  ideals ;  Jewish  names  were 
changed  into  Greek,  e.g.,  Jesus  into  Jason. 

c)  The  attempt  of  Antiochus  IV  Epiphanes,  to 
complete  this  process  of  vigorous  and  relentless 
Hellenization,  provoked  a  reaction  under  the 
Maccabees.  Hereafter  we  find  the  Pharisees 
defending  the  traditional  faith. 

d)  Herod  the  Great  (37-4  B.C.)  revived  the  attempt 
at  Hellenization.  New  Greek  expressions  and 
customs  were  introduced.  Jerusalem  itself  took 
on  the  semblance  of  a  Greco-Roman  city,  with 
its  theatre  and  amphitheatre. 

e)  But  the  old  faith  was  jealously  preserved  under 
the  leadership  of  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees,  in 
opposition  to  the  "rationalistic"  party  of  the 
Saddiicees. 

B.  In  the  Diaspora. 

a)  The  Jewish  Diaspora  is  primarily  the  effect  of 
deportation.  Since  about  740  B.C.,  Jews  were 
exiled  to  Mesopotamia;  Ptolemy  I  deported 
Jews  to  Egypt,  and  Pompey  carried  many  as 
slaves  to  Rome. 


158    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

b)  Many  others,  however,  left  Palestine  willingly 
for  the  sake  of  commercial  and  social  advantages. 
Acts  II,  9-11  suggests  a  widespread  Jewish 
emigration  from  Palestine. 

c)  Egypt  was  the  most  important  of  all  the  Dias- 
pora countries.  After  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem 
by  Nebuchadnezzar,  586  B.C.,  many  Jews  fled 
into  Egypt  to  escape  deportation  to  Babylon. 
The  pap3rri  of  Assuan  (discovered  in  1904)  and 
Elephantine  (discovered  in  1907)  of  the  5th 
cent.  B.C.,  suppose  colonies  of  considerable  size, 
in  touch  with  Palestine  as  their  centre.  They 
had  their  own  synagogue  and  spoke  the  Aramaic 
language.  After  the  time  of  Alexander,  the 
Jews  in  Egypt  increased  in  nimiber.  Since  160 
B.C.  there  was  a  Jewish  temple  in  Leontopolis. 

d)  The  condition  of  the  Jews  in  the  Diaspora  was 
favorable.  Under  Roman  rule  they  enjoyed  the 
free  exercise  of  their  religion  and  juridical  au- 
tonomy. This  separation  and  seclusion  safe- 
guarded the  purity  of  their  religious  ideals. 

e)  Everywhere  in  the  Diaspora  the  Jews  success- 
fully conducted  a  vigorous  propaganda,  especially 
among  the  higher  classes.  Those  who  submitted 
to  circumcision  were  called  proselytes,  those  who 
did  not  fully  comply  with  the  precepts  of  the 
Law,  were  named  suaegeT^.  The  secret  of  their 
success  was  undoubtedly  their  higher  and  purer 
idea  of  God,  for  which  many  pagans  were  search- 
ing. 

f)  On  the  other  hand,  the  Jews  readily  accommo- 


THE  COMPARATIVE  STUDY  OF  RELIGIONS  159 

dated  themselves  to  the  customs  rind  social  con- 
ditions of  the  pagans. 
g)  Amid  their  Greek  surroundings  the   Jews  of 
Egypt  gradually  forgot  their  mother  tongue. 
This  suggested  the  need  of  a  translation  of  the 
Hebrew  Bible.     The  result  was  the  Septuagint, 
universally   accepted   in   the    Diaspora,  which 
proved  to  be  of  inestimable  value  as  a  prepara- 
tion of  the  Hellenized  world  for  the  New  Testa- 
ment religion.     The  Jahveh-title  became  K u pto?, 
the  universal  title  for  the  God-head. 
h)  Educated  Jews  were  attracted  by  Greek  philos- 
ophy  and   evolved   a   syncretism   of    Hellenic- 
Jewish  thought.     The  most  famous  representa- 
tive of  this  development  is  Philo  of  Alexandria. 
The  essential  points  of  this  syncretism  are : 
a)     Theology.     God  transcends  the  world;  yet 
He  Himself  does  not  take  care  of  it.     This 
care  is  left  to  intermediate  beings,  i.e.,  angels, 
demons.  The  sum-total  of  these  is  the  Logos, 
a  being  neither  uncreated,  nor  created  after 
the  manner  of  other  creatiures,  but  imper- 
sonal. 
P)    Anthropology,    It  centers  around  the  Dual- 
ism of  eternal  matter  as  the  source  of  evil, 
and  the  pre-existent  soul. 
y)    Philosophy.     It  consisted  in  the  harmoniza- 
tion of  O.  T.  Scripture  with  Greek  wisdom 
by  means  of  allegorical  interpretation. 
5)    Ethics.     The  ascetical  life  is  recommended 
for  the  control  of  the  human  passions. 


160    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

e)  Mysticism.  The  union  with  God  expresses 
itself  in  ecstasis. 

Results  of  this  Hellenic- Jewish  amalgamation 
during  New  Testament  times  : 

a)  The  New  Testament  writers  and  readers  were 
acquainted  with  the  terminology  and  ideas 
of  the  Greco-Roman  world. 

P)  The  Greco-Roman  world  was  fully  alive  to 
the  idea  of  Palestine  as  the  home  of  exalted 
and  purified  religious  thought. 

y)  This  reciprocity  facilitated  a  rapid  diffusion 
of  the  New  Testament  religion,  the  Greco- 
Roman  world  offering  an  appropriate  termi- 
nology and  form,  the  New  Testament  teach- 
ers filling  them  with  transcendent  content. 

2.  Oriental  Hellenism  in  New  Testament  Times. 

a)  Through  the  epochal  achievements  of  Alexander 
the  Great  the  treasures  of  Greek  civilization  were 
thrown  open  to  the  world. 

b)  The  Roman  Empire,  far  from  hindering  the  Hellen- 
ization  of  the  world,  was  itself  absorbed  by  it  and 
systematically  furthered  its  progress.  The  lan- 
guage of  the  Roman  Empire  was  Greek,  not  in  its 
classical  form,  but  in  the  form  of  the  Koine, 

c)  The  far-reaching  political  and  social  upheavals  of 
that  period  brought  about  a  notable  change  in  the 
concepts  of  man.  Novel  principles  were  preached 
by  the  famous  school  of  the  Stoics,  such  as: 

a)    The  equality  of  man.     Men  and  women,  freed 
and  slaves,  are  all  equal. 


THE  COMPARATIVE  STUDY  OF  RELIGIONS  161 

P)  The  freedom  of  man.  Only  those  are  free  who 
are  able  to  control  their  passions ;  all  others  are 
slaves. 

y)  The  result  was  a  new  appreciation  of  per- 
sonality  and  personal  worth. 

I)  The  old  theology  of  Polytheism  is  unsatisfactory. 
Epicurus  manifested  open  contempt  for  it,  and 
the  Stoics  evolved  a  Pantheistic  system, 
which  considered  God  as  the  primordial  power, 
the  soul  of  the  Kosmos,  the  Logos. 

e)  Ethics  demands  an  ascetical  life  to  curb  the 
passions. 

d)  Notwithstanding  the  spread  of  these  higher  and 
purer  religio-philosophical  ideas,  the  masses  of  the 
Hellenic  world,  especially  the  lower  classes,  cul- 
tivated Polytheism  more  intensely  than  ever. 
Getting  acquainted  with  strange  deities  through 
the  commingling  of  nations  within  the  Roman 
Empire,  men  increased  the  hosts  of  their  gods, 
exchanged  or  modified  them  in  nimiberless  ways. 
Fearing  lest  any  god  might  be  overlooked  in  this 
universal  system  of  Polytheism,  they  erected  altars 
even  to  "the  unknown  god"  or  to  "unknown  gods." 

e)  The  concept  of  the  Deity  degenerated  to  such  an 
extent  that  great  or  powerful  men  were  proclaimed 
gods  during  life  or  after  death.  Alexander  de- 
manded divine  worship,  and  under  Augustus  the 
cult  of  the  ruler  became  an  official  institution  in 
the  Roman  Empire. 

f)  The  complete  bankruptcy  of  the  old  Greco-Roman 
religion  irresistibly  drove  the  higher  classes,  and 


162     A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

with  them  great  masses  of  the  people,  into  the  new 
world  of  Oriental  religious  thought  and  Oriental 
mystery  religions. 

3.  The  result  of  the  amalgamation  was  a  religious  chaos, 
in  which  sublime  and  noble  ideas,  springing  from  the 
constant  aspirations  of  human  nature,  or  borrowed  from 
Judaism,  were  forced  into  union  with  the  lowest  features 
of  pagan  polytheism. 

1 .  The  idea  of  Divine  Revelation  and  Man's  Knowledge 
of  God.     Cf.  Literature  mentioned  above. 

a)  The  desire  for  a  deeper  knowledge  of  God,  under  the 
influence  of  Judaism,  begot  the  idea  of  God  the 
Revealer  who,  as  the  "Son  of  God"  (Hermes, 
Logos,  etc.),  communicates  the  knowledge  of  the 
divine  mysteries  to  mankind. 

b)  While  according  to  the  Stoics  the  Spirit  of  God 
contains  the  ^' Logos,''  after  whom  the  world  is 
created,  Hermes  bears  the  title  of  the  ''Logos  jrom 
heaven.''  Of  prime  importance  in  the  Logos- 
speculation  is  the  Hellenic- Jewish  idea  of  Philo, 
that  the  Logos  is  the  mediator  between  God  and 
men;  the  visible  manifestations  of  God  are 
representations  of  the  Logos.  Cf.  Reitzenstein, 
Poimandres. 

c)  The  ''Wisdom"  of  the  Jews  (cf.  Proverbs  I-IX)  is 
described  in  similar  terminology  by  the  Stoics. 
In  the  Aramaic  literature  of  the  time  of  Christ 
"ilfemm"  =  word  of  God,  takes  the  place  of 
"Wisdom." 


THE  COMPARATIVE  STUDY  OF  RELIGIONS  163 

d)  In  the  Persian  religion  of  Zoroaster  the  qualities 
of  the  highest  god  appear  to  be  personifications. 
The  most  important  of  them  is  Vohu-Mano,  i.e.^ 
'Hhe  good  thought  of  god''  identical  with  the  Greek 
'' Logos  r 

Of.  Camoy,  Religion  des  Perses. 

e)  The  Babylonians  in  olden  times  worshipped  £a, 
the  Lord  of  Wisdom,  and  his  son,  Marduk,  the 
bearer  or  personification  of  wisdom. 

Cf.  Jeremias,  as  above. 
f)    In  Egypt  we  find  the  idea  that  a  god,  by  speaking, 
begets  a  son  as  his  image. 

2.  The  Idea  of  the  <'Son  of  God." 

The   "revealer-god''   usually  bears  the  title   *'son 
of  god''  (Hermes,  Vohu-Mano,  Marduk). 

3.  Deification  of  Man. 

a)    The  old  Babylonian  religion  contained  the  idea 

that  the  king  is  the  "son  of  god." 
^)    In  Egypt  the  king  was  eo  ipso  the  "son  of  Ra," 

the  "son  of  the  sun-god," 
Y )    The  Seleucida  e  in  Syria  and  the  Ptolemies  in  Egypt 

were  officially  "sons  of  god." 

The  Rosette-inscription  speaks  of  Ptolemy  V 

as  the  "image  of  Zeus,"  the  "son  of  Helios,"  etc. 
I)    The  Roman  emperors  at  the  time  of  Christ  were 

called  "gods"  and  ''sons  of  god"  and  demanded 

divine  worship. 

4.  The  Idea  of  a  Savior. 

LITERATURE 

Krebs,  Der  Logos  als  Heiland,  1910. 
Lagrange,  Le  Messianisjtie,  1909. 


164    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

a)  VirgiVs  famous  Eclogue  expresses  the  pagan  desire 
for  a  ''Savior.'' 

^)  The  Greeks  linked  the  idea  of  ''Savior''  with  the 
concept  of  their  gods^  e.g.,  Zeus,  Apollo,  Hermes, 
Heracles,  esp.  Asclepios. 

y)  The  Egyptian  gods  Serapis  and  Isis  also  bear  the 
title  of  "Savior." 

B)  At  the  time  of  Christ  the  "Soter"  idea  is  intimate- 
ly associated  with  the  dignity  of  the  king  or 
emperor  as  the  "son  of  god," 

The  Seleucidae  and  Ptolemies  were  also  awx-^psi;. 
Caesar  w^as  called  "god  on  earth  and  universal 
savior  of  mankind"  Augustus,  "the  savior  of  all 
men."  Thenceforth  "Savior"  became  an  official 
title  of  the  Roman  emperors. 

£)  In  the  Babylonian  religion  we  meet  with  the  same 
idea.  Marduk  was  the  hearer  of  wisdom^  but  also 
the  0e6(;-crG)TT]p.  The  disappearance  and  reap- 
pearance of  the  Babylonian  astral  gods  is  placed 
by  rationalism  on  a  par  with  the  death  and  resur- 
rection of  Christ. 
5.  Ethics. 

L  ITER ATURE 

BoNHoFFER,  Epiktet  und  das  Neue  Testament,  1911. 
Clemen,    Religionsgeschichtliche    Erkldru^g    des     Neuen  Testa- 
mentes,  1909. 

The  representative  of  the  most  perfect  pagan 

moraHty  is  Epictetus.     He  teaches : 

a)    remarkable  principles  of  humanity; 

P)    a  relation  of  man  to  God,  the  Creator; 

y)    peace  of  heart  through  control  of  the  passions; 

B)    conversion  after  sin; 

e)    suffering  for  God's  sake,  etc. 


THE  COMPARATIVE  STUDY  OF  RELIGIONS  165 

6.  Religious  Cults. 

a)  The  language  and  literary  form  of  the  cults  of  the 
mystery  religions  flourishing  at  the  time  of  Christ 
in  many  cases  resemble  the  literary  docimients  of 
the  New  Testament,  as:  regeneration,  life,  light, 
gnosis,  truth,  %ye\J\L(x,  formulas  of  prayer,  etc. 

P)  The  acts  of  worship  and  religious  mysteries  exhibit 
more  or  less  striking  analogies  to  New  Testament 
institutions,  as:  baptism,  religious  meals,  demonol- 
ogy,  benedictions,  miracles,  resurrection,  sin  and 
liberation  from  sin,  suffering  of  the  Savior  t  ecstasies^ 
etc. 

V.  The  New  Testament  and  Contemporary  Religions. 

Parallels  between  the  New  Testament  religion  and 
the  religions  contemporary  with  its  authors  cannot 
be  denied,  yet  it  is  all-important  to  note  the  character, 
cause,  and  degree  of  these  parallels,  and  particularly 
the  essential  difference  between  the  two  kinds  of 
religion  in  the  face  of  an  apparent  external  similarity. 

I .  As  general  principles  for  the  correct  consideration  and 
evaluation  of  the  problem  the  following  must  be 
kept  in  mind : 

a)  All  human  beings,  whether  Christians,  pagans, 
or  Jews,  have  a  common  human  psychology,  with 
common  desires,  tendencies,  and  inclinations, 
which  naturally  find  similar  expression,  be  it  for 
good  or  for  evil.  Ethnologists  therefore  speak  of 
elementary  thoughts  of  humanity. 

b)  Likewise  kindred  manifestations  will  be  elicited  if 
the    human    mind   is    confronted  with  identical 


166    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

external  conditions,  e.g.,  moral  decay  or  political 
and  social  disturbances. 

c)  The  phrase  of  Tertullian,  "Anima  naiuraliter  Chri- 
stiana" correctly  expresses  the  fact  that  a  large 
number  of  ethical  principles  are  common  to  Chris- 
tians and  non-Christians  alike.  But  like  instincts 
beget  like  actions  and  expressions. 

d)  The  object  of  the  New  Testament  Revelation  is 
not  the  destruction,  but  the  perfection  of  the  prevail- 
ing true  principles  of  humanity;  hence,  although 
Christianized,  they  cannot  contradict  all  doctrines 
or  institutions  of  the  pagans,  but  are  bound  to  be 
in  agreement  with  them  in  as  far  as  they  are  the 
common  heritage  of  humanity. 

e)  The  agreement  is  often  merely  in  the  terminology ; 
where  the  non-Christian  phraseology  expresses 
merely  a  desire  for  perfection,  the  New  Testament 
offers  the  fulfillment  of  this  desire,  e.g.,  the  Chris- 
tian and  non-Christian  Logos. 

f)  Similarity  does  not  of  itself  postulate  mutual  de- 
pendence, since  analogy  is  not  identical  with 
genealogy. 

g)  That  there  is,  in  spite  of  all  similarities,  an  internal, 
essential  difference  between  pagan  and  New  Testa- 
ment doctrines  is 

a)  recognized  by  the  pagans,  who,  despite  their 
tolerance  of  all  other  religions  and  despite  the 
alleged  analogies  of  Christianity  with  their 
own  doctrines,  bitterly  persecuted  the  Chris- 
tians ; 

P)    emphasized  by  the  Christians,  who  suffered  the 


THE  COMPARATIVE  STUDY  OF  RELIGIONS  167 

most  horrible  torments  rather  than  accept 
pagan  doctrines.  The  fusion  of  Paganism  and 
Christianity,  as  represented  by  Gnosticism, 
was  energetically  repudiated  by  the  Church. 

2.  In  particular  it  must  be  remembered : 

a)  Concerning  the  resemblance  of  mystery  religions 

and  their  liturgical  language  and  acts, 

a)  That  both  language  and  institutions  of  the 
mystery  religions  are  as  a  whole  not  unique, 
but  reflect  a  universal  aspiration  and  general 
disposition  of  the  mind  found  in  all  God-seeking 
men; 

P)  That  the  N.  T.  writers  (esp.  St.  Paul),  accord- 
ing to  a  wise  pedagogical  method,  instinctively 
connected  the  new  doctrines  with  forms,  usages, 
and  institutions  familiar  to  the  pagans  (just  as 
modern  missionaries  do),  pouring  new  contents 
into  the  old  terms,  such  as  \' Logos,''  ''Savior,'" 
"Son  of  God,''  ''regeneration,"  ((xijtk;,))  etc. 

y)  The  mystery  religions  and  the  N.  T.  doctrines 
differ  toto  coelo  in  this  that  the  former  are 
founded  on  magical  and  superstitious  fables, 
whereas  the  latter  rest  on  solid  ethical  prin- 
ciples, the  claim  of  demonstrable  divine  revela- 
tion and  historical  facts. 

In  the  mysteries  of  I  sis  the  death  and  resurrection  of  Osiris  wereen- 
thusiastically  celebrated ;  there  was  great  mourning  on  the  feast 
of  the  "great  mother"  Cybele  over  the  lost  Attis  and  wild  joy  at 
his  recovery ;  in  the  Eleusinian  mysteries  the  abduction  of  Perse- 
phone into  Hades  and  her  return  to  Demeter,  as  well  as  the  dis- 
membering of  Dionysos  and  his  revival,  are  demonstrated,  and  a 
similar  idea  of  a  dying  and  reviving  god  was  presented  in  the 


168    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

mysteries  of  Adonis  and  Atargatis.  But  it  is  evident  that  these 
mysteries  illustrate  mytkologically  the  seasonal  processes  of 
nature,  without  any  reference  to  historical  facts  and  personalities, 
and  without  any  ethical  basis.  Hence  there  is  a  world  of  differ- 
ence betfveen  these  mystery  cults  and  the  N.  T.  report  of  the 
death  and  resurrection  of  Christ,  who,  as  a  historical  personage, 
died  and  rose  again  for  the  salvation  of  mankind;  or  between  the 
nature  cults  and  death  and  resurrection  in  Christian  teaching 
in  general,  which  to  the  Athenians,  familiar  with  the  Eleusinian 
mysteries,  was  so  unheard  of  that  they  jeered  at  St.  Paul's 
exposition  of  it  (Acts  XVII,  32). 
Neither  can  the  feast  of  the  Babylonian  astral  gods  be  placed 
side  by  side  with  the  Resurrection  of  Christ,  since  the  celebra- 
tion of  a  god  as  conqueror  over  darkness  offers  no  parallel  to  the 
historical  death  of  Christ  and  His  resurrection  on  the  third  day 
from  a  tomb  guarded  by  His  enemies. 

b)  Concerning  the  points  of  contact  between  Chris- 
tian and  non-Christian  ethics,  these  facts  must  be 
kept  in  mind 

a)  Non-Christians  have  a  law  in  their  heart  which 
is  by  no  means  contrary  to  the  N.  T.  revelation 
(Rom.  11,14);  in  fact  the  latter  is  only  the  per- 
fect definition  of  the  former.  It  is  on  account 
of  this  common  principle  that  there  are  con- 
formities in  regard  to  general  questions  of  human 
morality  and  virtue  (cf .  the  humanitarianism 
of  the  Stoics). 

P)  The  similarity  ceases  in  particular  questions, 
such  as  the  notion  of  sin  (which  the  best 
pagans  regarded  as  the  result  of  evil  matter, 
whereas,  according  to  the  N.  T.,  it  is  the  result 
of  evil  mind) ;  or  the  future  life,  man's  relation 
to  God,  etc. 

c)  Concerning  the  relationship  between  the  non- 
Christian  and  the  N.  T.  idea  of  the  Savior ^  note; 


THE  COMPARATIVE  STUDY  OF  RELIGIONS  169 

a)  That  there  is  hardly  more  than  a  similarity  of 
words  between  them. 

^)  The  ideas  in  both  are  essentially  differ  em  ^  as  the 
N.  T.  idea  of  salvation  is  throughout  an  ethical 
notion,  viz.:  the  salvation  of  souls:  not  so  the 
pagan  idea. 

y)  To  compare  Christ  and  N.  T.  personages  with 
the  Babylonian  Gilgamesh  hero  (Jensen)  is 
admittedly  an  unscientific  absurdity. 

8)  All  the  Osol  awxripsq,  wherever  we  meet  them, 
were  not  ''savior  gods''  in  our  sense,  but  helping 
gods,  and  the  belief  in  such  proves  merely  the 
universal  desire  inherent  in  human  nature 
for  help  in  distress. 

e)  Therefore  St.  Paul  might  well  say  that  the 
Cross,  the  instrument  of  N.  T.  salvation,  was 
"ludaeis  quidem  scandalum,  gentihus  autem 
stultitia''  (I  Cor.  I,  23).  In  truth:  neither  the 
Hellenic  or  Babylonian  "savior  gods"  nor  the 
Roman  "savior  emperors"  had  anything  in 
common  with  the  Savior  of  souls  in  the  N.  T. 
sense. 

d)  Again:  the  one  common  feature  of  the  N.  T.  "5on 
of  God''  and  the  ''sons  of  god"  of  the  contemporary 
pagan  religions  is  purely  terminological. 
a)    The  non-Christian  "sons  of  god"  are  the  off- 
spring of  a  polytheistic  notion  of  the  deity,  the 
creations  of  mythology,  adaptable  to  various 
denominations, qualities,  localities,  virtues,  and 
vices,  etc. 


170    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

g)  The  N.  T.  ''Son  of  God''  is  a  historical  person, 
and  at  the  same  time,  according  to  the  mono- 
theistic notion  of  God,  the  eternal  Son  of  the 
Father,  of  the  same  essence  with  the  Father. 

e)  The  N.  T.  Christ  and  the  Apotheosis  of  man  in  the 
contemporary  reHgions. 

a)    Whereas  in  the  pagan  religions  men  are  said  to 

be  deified, 
P)    in  the  N.  T.  Christ  is  the  pre-existent  God,  who 

became  man. 

f)  The  N.  T.  Logos  and  the  7ion-Christian  Logot. 
Once  more  the  similarity  is  one  of  terms  only. 

a)  The  non-Christian  Logoi  are  fantastic,  at  best 
purely  philosophical  abstractions; 

P)  The  N.  T.  Logos  is  a  historical  personality  and 
is  proclaimed  by  St.  John  as  the  true  and  real 
Logos,  in  contrast  to  the  pseudo-Logoi. 

Hence  an  objective  consideration  of  the  religious  litera- 
ture contemporaneous  with  the  New  Testament  will  show 
that  the  alleged  similarities  between  the  pagan  and  the 
N.  T.  doctrines  either  are  such  merely  in  terminology  or  the 
outgrowth  of  certain  sound  elements  in  human  psychology, 
thus  furnishing  an  impressive  confirmation  of  the  super- 
natural excellence  of  the  N.  T.  religion. 

Even  Jeremias  has  to  admit  this  superiority  by  stating 
that  Paganism  seeks  God  through  nature,  Christianity 
through  Jesus  Christ  (Babylonisches  im  Neuen  Testament, 
1905,  p.2). 

The  comparative  study  of  religions  as  conducted  by 
radical  authors  suffers  from  an  incurable  dislike  for  New 
Testament  history,  from  arbitrary  preconceptions  and 


THE  COMPARATIVE  STUDY  OF  RELIGIONS  171 

dogma tizations,  and  often  ignores  the  most  elementary- 
principles  of  the  historical  method. 

B.    The   Old   Testament   and   the    Comparative   Study 
of  Religions 

LITERATURE 

Barton,  Archaeology  and  the  Bible,  1916. 

Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testament,  1912. 

Langdon,  Sumerian  Epic  of  Paradise,  the  Flood  and  the  Fall  of 

Man,  1915. 
King,  The  Seven  Tablets  of  'Creation,  1907. 
Rogers,  History  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  1915. 
Jeremias,  Das  Alte  Testament  im  Lichte  des  Alten  Orients,  1916. 

According  to  the  ultra-critical  school  the  entire  Biblical 
religion,  esp.  the  Old  Testament  religion,  with  its  teaching 
on  the  origin  of  the  universe,  the  fall  of  man,  the  great 
Flood,  the  angels  and  demons,  sacrifice  and  priesthood, 
the  worship  of  Jahveh,  the  ideas  of  sin  and  penance,  is 
ultimately  traceable  to  the  Babylonian  world  of  thought. 
Thus  the  boundless  antagonism  of  modem  religious 
thought  is  expressed  in  the  alternative : 

either:  Ancient  Babylonian  religion^ 
or:  modern  empiric  religion. 
The  parallels  between  some  Old  Testament  narratives  and 
a  nimiber  of  Babylonian  stories  are  indeed  striking.  But 
the  thesis  of  the  ultra-critical  school  that  the  Old  Testa- 
ment account  depends  on  the  Babylonian  world-view  is 
untenable. 

I.  The  Babylonian  Cosmogony  and  the  O.  T.  Accoimt  of 
the  Creation. 

Modem  discoveries  have  unearthed  two  Babylonian 
accounts  of  the  origin  of  the  world,  one  being  similar 


172    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

to  the  narrative  of  Gen.  I,  the  other  resembling  the 
report  in  Gen.  II. 

1.  The  Babylonian  Story  of  the  Creation  and  Gen.  I. 

a)  This  Babylonian  story  of  the  origin  of  the  world 
was  formerly  known  only  from  the  report  of  the 
Babylonian  priest  Berossos,  300  B.C.  (Eusebius 
Chronic.)  and  of  the  philosopher  Damascius,  560 
A.D.  The  contents  of  their  tales  were  confirmed 
by  the  discovery  by  George  Smith,  in  1873,  of  a 
number  of  clay  tablets  (seven)  on  the  site  of  ancient 
Niniveh. 

b)  The  story  told  by  these  tablets  is  as  follows:  In 
primeval  times  the  gods  were  created.  Apsu,  the 
sire  of  the  great  gods,  and  Tiamat,  planned  a 
revolt  against  the  other  gods.  Marduk  took  com- 
mand against  Tiamat  in  the  name  of  the  others. 
After  a  hard  struggle  he  overpowered  Tiamat, 
cut  her  body  in  twain,  and  used  one  part  to  form 
the  roof  of  the  firmament  ("the  covering  of  the 
heavens").  After  that  he  created  the  stars,  and 
the  moon,  and,  finally,  man. 

.  c)  The  only  similarities  between  this  story  and  Gen.  I 
are  the  following : 

a)    The   primeval    condition   of   the   universe   is 
called  Tiamat,  which  is  the  same  name  used 
in  Gen.  I — T^hom. 
P)    The  upper  and  lower  waters  are  divided  in  both 

accounts  by  the  firmament. 
y)    In  both  cases  we  have  an  arrangement  of  seven, 
i.e.,  seven  tablets — seven  days. 


THE  COMPARATIVE  wSTUDY  OF  RELIGIONS  173 

d)  The  differences  between  the  two  accounts  are  funda- 
mental. 

a)  The  Babylonian  account  presupposes  a  nijythh. 
logical  polytheistic  world  of  thought,  where  gods 
are  first  created,  then  war  with  one  another, 
and  after  the  struggle  produce  the  world;  the 
Biblical  account  is  based  on  strict  Monotheism, 
where  Jahveh  is  the  only  God  and  creates 
by  the  power  of  His  word. 

P)  The  Babylonian  epic  is  merely  a  mythological 
glorification  of  Marduk,  the  hero  of  Babylon, 
without  any  religious  purpose,  the  creation 
being  mentioned  only  in  passing;  the  Biblical 
account  intends  to  convey  directly  the  religious 
truth  that  Jahveh  is  the  Creator  and  Lord  of 
the  world. 

y)  No  deeper  meaning  is  evident  in  the  Babylo- 
nian arrangement  into  seven  tablets,  whereas  the 
Biblical  arrangement  of  seven  days  is  intended 
to  be  an  illustration  of  the  sacred  character  of 
the  Sabbath. 

e)  No  satisfactory  explanation  of  this  maze  of  similar- 
ities and  striking  differences  is  furnished  by  the 
hypothesis  that  the  narrative  of  the  Babylonians 
was  copied  and  purified  by  the  Hebrews.  History 
and  psychology  teach  that  time  has  not  a  purifying 
but  rather  a  disfiguring  influence.  The  only  adequate 
solution  is  the  svipposition  that  both  the  Babylonian 
and  Hebrew  cosmogonies  derive  their  origin  from 
a  divine  revelation  to  mankind,  which  is  preserved  in 
its  original  dignity  and  purity  in  the  Biblical  ac- 


174    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

count,  but  distorted  by  mythological  and  poly- 
theistic conceits  in  the  Babylonian  epic,  no  matter 
how  long  it  was  written  before  Gen.  I. 
la)  The  contents  of  the  6th  tablet,  of  which  only 
a  few  lines  were  known  so  far,  are  now  dis- 
covered (cf.  Schroder,  Keilinschrijten  aus  Assur, 
1917  f.)     The  tablet  contains: 

a)  A  parallel  to  the  narrative  of  Eden ; 

b)  a  parallel  to  the  narrative  of  the  fall  of  man ; 

c)  a  parallel  to  the  narrative  of  the  Cherubim 
before  Paradise; 

d)  and  an  allusion  to  the  salvation  of  man  by  the 
death  of  a  god. 

This  is  evidently  a  striking  remmiscence  of  the 
original  divine  revelation  to  mankind. 

2.  The  Other  Babylonian  Account  of  the  Creation  and 
Gen.  II.     (Cf.  Barton,  Archaeology) 

a)  Another  Babylonian  tale,  like  Gen.  II,  tells  of  a 
time  when  "wo  reed  had  sprung  up,  no  tree  had  been 
created,  etc.''  and  says  that  Marduk  then  built  the 
home  of  the  gods  and  created  man  and  the  ani- 
mals. 

b)  But  here,  too,  the  creation  is  mentioned  quite  obi- 
ter,  whereas  the  chief  purpose  of  the  story  is  the 
glorification  of  Babylonian  cities.  The  atmosphere 
is  again  entirely  polytheistic.  Besides,  Eden  is  not 
mentioned  at  all,  whereas  it  is  the  central  theme 
of  Gen.  II. 

c)  The  inter-relation  of  the  two  narratives  is  the  same 
as  in  the  case  of  the  first  Babylonian  epic  of  crea- 
tion, and  the  same  explanation  serves  for  both. 


THE  COMPARATIVE  STUDY  OF  RELIGIONS  175 

II.  The  Babylonian* 'Day  of  Rest"  and  the  Biblical  Sab- 
bath (Ex.  XX,  8-11 ;  Dt.  V,  12-15.) 

1.  Babylonian  tablets  speak  of  the  7th,  14th,  21st,  and 
28th  day  of  the  month  as  days  of  rest;  some  tablets 
call  these  days:  days  of  sacrifice.  One  tablet  even 
mentions  the  15th  day  as  the  "shabatum"  (but  not 
day  of  rest). 

2.  This  truly  startling  similarity  is  explained  by  the 
fact  that  the  Babylonian  document  is  a  transparent 
recollection  of  the  original  divine  revelation,  v/hich 
shines  forth  in  its  purity  in  Ex.  XX  and  Dt.  V. 

III.  The  Creation  of  Man  in  the  Gilgamesh  Epic  and  Gen. 
11,7. 

1.  The  Gilgamesh  epic  relates  that  the  goddess  Aruru 
formed  the  hero  Eabani  and  describes  this  creation 
as  follows : 

^'A  man  like  Anu  she  formed  in  her  heart: 
Clay  she  pinched  off  and  spat  upon  it.'* 

(Barton) 

2.  Here  we  have  again  a  distorted  reminiscence  of 
the  original  divine  revelation  recorded  in  the  Bible. 

IV.  The  Babylonian  Narrative  of  the  Fall  of  Man  and 
Gen.  III. 

1.  Fragments  of  the  Babylonian  Adapa  legend  tell  us 
that  Adapa  possessed  knowledge  that  made  him 
similar  to  God.  When  he  was  to  appear  before  the 
highest  God,  Anu,  the  god  Ea,  fearing  lest  Adapa 
might  eat  the  ''food  of  life,""  advised  him  to  refuse 
this  food.  Adapa  did  so  and  consequently  became 
subject  to  diseases. 


176    A  HANDBOOK  OP  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

2.  The  ''food  of  life'  and  the  ''water  of  life''  constitute 
an  analogy  to  the  ''tree  of  life"  in  the  Bible.  But 
here  again  we  breathe  a  polytheistic  atmosphere. 
Ada  pa  is  prevented  from  eating  the  "food  of  life" 
only  by  the  ruse  of  a  god.  In  Gen.  Ill  Jahveh  is 
the  God  of  justice,  who  prevents  Adam  from  eating 
of  the"  tree  of  life"  in  punishment  for  his  disobedience. 

3.  The  explanation  of  the  former  similarities  holds  true 
here  also. 

V.  The  Long-lived  Babylonian  Kings  and  the  Patriarchs 
before  the  Flood  in  Gen.  V. 

1.  As  Gen.  mentions  a  number  of  long-lived  Patriarchs 
before  the  flood  (Adam,  Seth,  Enos,  Cainan,  Malaleel, 
Jared,  Henoch,  Mathusala,  Lamech,  Noe),  so  ancient 
Babylonian  tablets  record  a  series  of  long-lived 
kings,  some  of  them  bearing  names  probably  identical 
with  those  of  the  Biblical  Patriarchs,     (cf.  Barton.) 

2 .  Once  more  there  lurks  in  theseBabylonian  documents 
a  faint  recollection  of  the  genuine  tradition  re- 
corded in  Gen.  V. 

VI.  The  Babylonian  Narrative  of  the  Great  Flood  and 
Gen.  VI-IX. 

1.  This  Babylonian  story,  formerly  known  only  from 
the  report  of  Berossos,  is  now  confirmed  by  the  dis- 
covery of  two  docimients:  the  Gilgamesh  Epic  and 
clay  tablets  from  the  Library  of  Ashurbanipal. 

2.  The  Gilgamesh  Epic  says:  The  gods,  moved  by  blind 
anger,  sought  to  destroy  the  world  by  a  great  flood. 
The  god  Ea  betrays  the  plan  to    Utnapishtim  and 


THE  COMPARATIVE  STUDY  OF  RELIGIONS  177 

advises  him  to  build  a  ship  and  enter  it  with  his 
family  and  every  kind  of  animal.  The  ship  is  built 
according  to  exact  measures.  The  hero  boards  it. 
Then  the  storm  breaks  forth  with  such  fury  that 
even  the  gods  tremble  and  "crouch  like  dogs;  they 
lay  down  by  the  walls.  Ishtar  cried  like  a  woman  in 
travail"  (Barton).  After  six  days  the  storm  subsides. 
On  the  mountain  of  Nizir  the  ship  is  held  for  six  days. 
On  the  seventh  day  Utnapishtim  sends  out  a  dove 
which  returns.  Then  he  sends  a  swallow,  which  also 
returns.  Finally  a  raven  is  sent  out,  which  does  not 
return.  The  ship  is  opened.  The  hero  offers  a 
sacrifice.  "The  gods  smelled  the  sweet  savor.  The 
gods  above  the  sacrifice  clustered  like  flies"  (Barton). 
The  clay  tablets  of  AshurhanipaV s  Library  give  a 
different  report  of  the  origin  of  the  Flood.  Men  had 
sinned  and  were  punished  by  famine;  they  sinned 
again  and  were  punished  by  pestilence;  they  sinned 
once  more  and  were  punished  by  barrenness  of  the 
land.  They  sinned  again  and  were  finally  punished 
by  the  Flood. 

3.  In  spite  of  the  pronounced  resemblances  between  these 
documents  and  the  Biblical  narrative,  the  spirit 
animating  them  is  totally  different. 

a)  The  Polytheism  of  the  Babylonian  epic  stands  in 
marked  contrast  to  the  Monotheism  of  the  Bible. 

b)  In  the  Babylonian  epic  the  Flood  is  the  result  of  the 
blind  fury  of  the  gods;  in  the  Bible  it  is  a  punish- 
ment for  sin,  inflicted  by  Jahveh,  the  God  of  justice. 

c)  The   salvation    of   Utnapishtim  is  attributed  to 


178     A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

the  treachery  of  a  god;  Noe's  salvation,  to  the 
mercy  and  grace  of  Jahveh. 
d)  The  Biblical  report   with   its   religious   spirit  is 
immeasurably  superior  to  the  polytheistic,  mytho- 
logical fable  of  Babylonia. 
4.  Explanation.     Here   as   elsewhere   the   Babylonian 
documents  merely  exhibit  perverted  traces  of  that 
original  manifestation  of  God  to  mankind,  of  which 
the  Bible  is  the  pure  and  genuine  repository. 

VII.  The  Code  of  Hammurabi    and    the    Pentateuchal 
Laws. 

Although  the  Code  of  Hammurabi  enacts  many 
laws  which  find  their  counterpart  in  those  of  the 
Pentateuch  (esp.  concerning  chastity,  matrimony, 
and  divorce),  it  differs  essentially  from  the  Biblical 
legislation.  The  Code  of  Hammurabi  is  a  civil  code, 
whereas  the  Pentateuchal  laws  constitute  a  religious 
code.  The  similarities  may  be  explained  partly  by 
the  general  disposition  of  human  nature  wherever 
found,  and  partly  by  the  acceptance  of  primitive 
Semitic  laws  preserved  by  both  of  them.  There  is 
probably  no  direct  inter-relation  between  them  at  all. 

VIII.  The  Babylonian  Poem  of  the  Affliction  of  Tabu- 
utul-Bel  and  the  Book  of  Job. 

1 .  Tabu-utul-Bel,  a  just  man  of  Babylon,  like  the  Biblical 
Job,  is  afflicted  with  a  disease.  Both  debate  God's 
justice.  But  Job  is  relieved  by  confidence  in  God  and 
a  direct  vision  of  God,  whereas  the  just  man  of  Baby- 
lon is  cured  by  a  magician:  "  The  roots  of  the  disease  he 
tore  out  like  a  plant""  (Barton). 


THE  COMPARATIVE  STUDY  OF  RELIGIONS  179 

2.  The  problem  under  discussion  is  the  same,  namely: 

a)  Human  suffering.  But  it  is  no  matter  for  surprise 
that  such  a  universal  speculation  of  mankind 
should  be  treated  in  Babylonian  literature. 

b)  The  solution  is  essentially  different.  The  religious 
worth  and  spirit  of  the  Book  of  Job  is  entirely 
absent  from  the  Babylonian  poem. 

3.  If  there  is  any  inter-relation  between  the  two  books, 
it  is  purely  accidental. 

IX.  The  Psalms  of  Babylon  and  Egypt  and  the  Biblical 
Psalms. 

1.  The  Babylonian  Psalms  of  Penance  and  the  Biblical 
Psahns. 

a)  The  Babylonian  prayers  contain  a  confession  of  sin 
committed,  especially  against  the  poor,  against 
parents,  against  the  virtues  of  mercy  and  honesty. 

b)  But  they  express  only  the  sorrow  of  suffering  under 
misfortune  and  do  not  manifest  any  understanding 
of  the  real  malice  of  sin,  as  the  Biblical  Psalms  do; 
we  miss  the  Biblical  religious  background.  These 
songs  can  be  fully  explained  as  natural  outpourings 
of  human  nature  under  distress. 

2.  The  Babylonian  and  Egyptian  Hymns  to  the  Gods 
and  the  Hebrew  Psalms. 

a)  The  hymns  to  Sin,  the  Moon-god,  and  to  Bel,  like 
Egyptian  songs  to  the  Sun-god,  in  their  expressions 
sometimes  resemble  Biblical  phrases. 

b)  Their  religious  outlook,  however,  is  confined  within 
a  polytheistic  horizon.  The  expressions  are  natural 
reflections  of  human  nature  believing  in  a  higher 
world. 


180    A  HANDBOOK  OP  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

No  inter-relation  can  be  shown  to  exist  be- 
tween the  Babylonian-Egyptian  and  the  Biblical 
Psalms. 

X.  A  number  of  Proverbs  and  Maxims  exhibit  ideas 
parallel  to  the  Biblical  proverbs  and  precepts.  They 
are  the  expression  of  human  experience  and  human 
wisdom  as  manifested  everywhere,  and  do  not  postulate 
any  relationship  to  the  O.  T. 

XI.  The  name  **Jahveh"  in  Babylonia? 

Delitzsch  maintains  that  the  name  "J^hveh"  is 
found  on  clay  tablets  of  the  time  of  Hammurabi.  He 
reads:  *'Ja-ah-ve-ilu,''  which  is  supposed  to  mean 
"Jahveh  is  God^ 

The  original  of  the  name  Jahveh  is  still  disputed. 
According  to  the  etymology  in  Ex.  Ill,  13  it  means 
"i/e  who  is.''  Whatever  may  be  the  derivation,  the 
notion  of  strict  Monotheism,  inherent  in  its  use 
throughout  the  Bible,  differs  essentially  from  any 
found  outside  the  Biblical  religion. 

Cf.  Hehn,  Die  biblische  und  babylonische  Gottesidee, 
1913. 
Summary:  The  comparison  of  the  O,  T.  with  Babylonia 
demonstrates  the  religious  and  ethical  superiority  of  the 
Bible  to  the  polytheistic  mythological  chaos  of  Mesopo- 
tamia. 

The  religion  of  the  O.  T.  does  not  betray  a  development 
and  evolution  from  the  Babylonian  world  of  thought,  but 
constitutes  something  totally  new  and  different. 

The  Babylonian  ''similarities,'"  though  found  in  docu- 
ments older  than  the  O.  T.  writings,  represent  a  deteri- 
oration and  deformation  of  the  genuine  tradition  preserved  in 
the  O.  T. 


APPENDICES 


THE  MURATORIAN  CANON 

(The  text  after  Buchanan,  Journal  of  TheoL  Stud.,  1907), 
A*  =  original;  Ai  =  first  corrector;  A2= second  corrector. 

1  quibus  tamen  Interfuit  et  ita  posuit— | 
TERTIO  EUANGELII  LIBRUM  SECANDO 

LUCAN 
Lucas  Iste  medicus  post  acensum  •  xpt ' 
Cum  eo  paulus  quasi  ut  iuris  studiostun 
5  secundum  adsumsisset  numeni  suo 

ex  opinione  concriset  dnm  tamen  nee  ipse 
duidit  In  carne  et  ide  pro  asequi  potuit. 
Ita  et  ad  natiuitate  lohannis  Incipet  dicere 
QUARTI  EUANGELIORUM  •  lOHANNIS  EX 
DECIPOLIS 
10  cohortantibus  condescipulis  et  eps  suis 
dixit  conieiunate  mihi  odie  triduo  et  quid 
cuique  fuerit  reuelatum  alterutrum 
nobis  enarremus  eadem  nocte  reue 
latum  andrae  ex  apostolis  ut  recognis 
15  centibus  cuntis  lohannis  suo  nomine 
cunta  discribret  et  ideo  licit  uaria  sin 

2  secundo  A^ 

3  ascensum  A^ 

6  concribset  A* 

7  prout  A^ 

14  andreae  A^ 

16  cuncta  A^;  describeret  A* 

181 


182    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

gulis  euangeliomm  libris  principia 
doceantur  nihil  tamen  differt  creden 
tium  fedei  ctim  \mo  ac  principal!  spu  de 

20  clarata  sint  In  omnibus  omnia  de  natitii 
tate  de  passione  de  resnrrectione 
de  conuesatione  cimi  decipulis  suis 
ac  de  gemino  eius  aduentu 
Primo  In  homilitate  dispectus  quod  fo 

25  it  secundum  potetate  regali  pis  pre 
clarum  quod  foturum  est  quid  ergo 
mirum  si  lohannes  tarn  constanter 
singula  etia  In  epistulis  suis  proferam 
dicens  In  semeipsu  que  uidimus  oculis 

30  nostris  et  auribus  audiuimus  et  manus 
nostrae  palpauerunt  haec  scripsimus 

nobis 
Sic  enim  non  solum  uisurem  sed  auditorem 
Sed  et  scriptore  omniimi  mirabiliu  dns  per  ordi 
nem  profetetur  Acta  aute  omniu  apostolorum 

35  sub  unu  libro  scribta  sunt  Lucas  obtime  theofi 
le  conprindit  quia  sub  praesentia  eius  singula 
gerebantur  sicute  et  semote  passione  petri 
euidenter  declarat  Sed  profectione  pauli  au  ur 

19  fidei  A* 

22  conuersatione  A* 

24  humilitate  A* 

25  potestate  A* 
29  quae  A^ 

32  sed  et  A^ 

33  dni  A» 

35  uno  A*;  scritta  A* 
38ab  A^-  sedet  A^ 


APPENDIX  I  183 

bes  ad  spania  proficescentis  Epistulae  autem 

40  pauli  quae  a  quo  loco  uel  qua  ex  causa  directe 
sint  uoluntatibus  intellegere  Ipse  declarant 
Primum  omnium  corintheis  scysme  heresis  in 
terdicens  deincepsb  callatis  circumcisione 
Romania  aute  ornidine  scripturarum  sed   In 

45  principium  earum  ese  esse  xpm  Intimans 
pro'.exius  scripsit  de  quibus  sincolis  neces 
se  est  ad  nobis  desputari  Cum  ipse  beatus 
apostulus  paulus  sequens  prodecessuris  suis 
lohannis  ordine  non  nisi  domenati  senptae 

50  eccleses  scribat  ordine  tali  A  corenthios 
prima  ad  efesius  seconda  ad  philippinsis  ter 
tia  ad  colosensis  quarta  ad  calatas  quin 
ta  ad  tensaolenecinsis  sixta  *  ad  romanus 
septima  Uemm  corentheis  et  desaolecen 

55  sibus  licit  pro  pcorrebtione  iteretur  una 
tamen  per  omnem  orbem  terrae  ecclesia 
deffusa  esse  denoscitur  Et  lohannis  em  In  a 
poca!ebsy  licet  septi  eccleseis  scribat 
tamen  omnibus  dicit  uerum  ad  filemonem  una 

60  et  at  titu  una  et  as  tymotheu  duas  pro  affec 

39  proficis.  A* 

41  uolentibus  A^ 

42  scysmae  A^ 

43  callaetis  h> 

48  apostolus  A* ;  prodecessor.  A* 

49  nomenati  A^ 

50  ecclesiis  A* 

51  philippinses  A* 

53  thensa.  A^;  sexta  A* 

54  corintheis  A*;  tesaolecen.  A^ 

55  licet  A* 
58  septa  A* 


184    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

to  et  dilectione  In  honore  tamen  eclesiae  ca 
tholice  In  ordinatione  eclesiastice 
descepline  scificate  sunt  fertur  etiam  ad 
laudicensis  alia  ad  alexandrines  piuli  no 

65  mine  fincte  ad  hesem  marcionis  et  alia  plu 
ra  quae  In  chatholicam  eclesiam  recepi  non 
potest  fel  enim  cum  melle  misceri  non  con 
emit  epistola  sane  lude  et  superscrictio 
lohannis  duas  In  catholica  habentur  et  sapi 

70  entia  ab  amicis  salomonis  In  honore  ipsius 
scripta  apocalypse  etiam  lohanis  et  pe 
tri  tantum  recipemus  quam  quidem  ex  nos 
tris  legi  In  eclesia  nolunt  Pastorem  uero 
nuperimm  et  temporibus  nostris  In  urbe 

75  roma  herma  concripsit  sedente  cathe 
tra  urbis  romae  aeclesiae  pio  eps  f rater 
eius  et  ideo  legi  eum  quide  Oportet  se  pu 
plicare  uero  In  eclesia  populo  Neque  Inter 
profestas  conpletum  numero  Nene  inter 

80  apostolos  In  fine  temporum  potest. 

Arsinoi  autem  seu  ualentini  •  uel  metiades 
nihil  In  totum  recipemus  •  Qui  etiam  nouu 
psalmorum  libnmi  marcioni  conscripse 
runt  una  cum  basilide  assianum  catafry 

85  cum  contitutoremi 


63  discepline  A*  76  fratre  A* 

64  pauli  A*  79  neque  A* 

65  heresem  A*  81  mitiades  A* 

72  recipimus  A^  85  constitutorem  A^ 

75  conscripsit  A* 
^  For  an  English  translation  cf .  the  New  Schaff-Herzog  Encyclopedia 

of  Religious  Knowledge,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  56. 


APPENDIX  n  185 

II 

THE  ENCYCLICAL  'TROVIDENTISSIMUS  DEUS" 
OF  LEO  XIII  (Nov.  18,  1893) 

Reprinted  from  the  Acta  S.  Sedis,  XXVI  (1893-94) 

1. — Providentissimus  Deus,  qui  hiimanum  genus,  ad- 
mirabili  caritatis  consilio,  ad  consortium  naturae  divinae 
principio  evexit,  dein  a  communi  labe  exitioque  eductum, 
in  pristinam  dignitatem  restituit,  hoc  eidem  propterea 
contulit  singulare  praesidium,  ut  arcana  divinitatis,  sa- 
pientiae,  misericordiae  suae  supernaturali  via  patefaceret. 
Licet  enim  in  divina  revelatione  res  quoque  comprehen- 
dantur  quae  humanae  rationi  inaccessae  non  sunt,  ideo 
hominibus  revelatae,  ut  ah  omnibus  expedite,  firma  cer- 
tittidine  et  nullo  admixto  errore  cognosci  possint,  non  hac 
tamen  de  causa  revelatio  absolute  necessaria  dicenda  est,  sed 
quia  Deus  ex  infinita  bonitate  sua  ordinavit  hominem  ad 
finem  supernaturalem^.  Quae  supernaturalis  revelatio,  se- 
cundum universalis  Ecclesiae  fidem,  continetur  tum  in 
sine  scripto  traditionibus,  tum  etiam  in  libris  scriptis,  qui 
appellantur  sacri  et  canonici,  eo  quod  Spiritu  Sancto 
inspirante  conscripti,  Deum  habent  auctorem,  atque  ut  tales 
ipsi  Ecclesiae  traditi  sunt'^.  Hoc  sane  de  utriusque  Testa- 
menti  libris  perpetuo  tenuit  palamque  professa  est  Eccle- 
sia:  eaque  cognita  sunt  gravissima  veterum  documenta, 
quibus  enuntiatur,  Deum,  prius  per  prophetas,  deinde 
per  seipsum,  postea  per  apostolos  locutum,  etiam  Scrip- 
turam  condidisse  quae  canonica  nominatur^,  eamdemque 

*  Cone.  Vat.  sess.  Ill,  cap.  n,  De  revel. 
*Ibtd. 

•  S.  Aug.  De  civ.  Dei  xi,  3. 


186    A  HANDBOOK  OP  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

esse  oracula  et  eloquia  divina^,  litteras  esse,  humano 
generi  longe  a  patria  peregrinanti  a  Patre  caelesti  datas 
et  per  auctores  sacros  transmissas^.  lam,  tanta  quum 
sit  praestantia  et  dignitas  Scripturanim,  ut  Deo  ipso 
auctore  confectae,  altissima  eiusdem  mysteria,  con- 
silia,  opera  complect antur,  illud  consequitur,  eam  quoque 
partem  sacrae  theologiae,  quae  in  eisdem  divinis  Libris 
tuendis  interpretandisque  versatur,  excellentiae  et  utilitatis 
esse  quam  maximae. — -Nos  igitur,  quemadmodum  alia 
quaedam  disciplinarum  genera,  quippe  quae  ad  incrementa 
divinae  gloriae  humanaeque  salutis  valere  plurimum  posse 
viderentur,  crebris  epistolis  et  cohort ationibus  provehenda, 
non  sine  fructu,  Deo  adiutore,  curavimus,  ita  nobilissi- 
mum  hoc  sacrarum  Litterarum  studium  excitare  et  com- 
mendare,  at  que  etiam  ad  temporum  necessitates  con- 
gruentius  dirigere  iamdiu  apud  Nos  cogitamus.  Move- 
mur  nempe  ac  prope  impellimur  sollicitudine  Apostolici 
muneris,  non  modo  ut  hunc  praeclarum  catholicae  revela- 
tionis  fontem  tutius  atque  uberius  ad  utilitatem  dominici 
gregis  patere  velimus,  verum  etiam  ut  eumdem  ne  pa- 
tiamur  ulla  in  parte  violari,  ab  iis  qui  in  Scrip turam  sanc- 
tam,  sive  impio  ausu  invehuntur  aperte,  sive  nova  quae- 
dam fallaciter  imprudenterve  moliuntur, — Non  sumus 
equidem  nescii,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  haud  paucos  esse  e 
catholicis,  viros  ingenio  doctrinisqtie  abundant es,  qui  fe- 
rantur  alacres  ad  divinorum  Librorum  vel  defensionem 
agendam  vel  cognitionem  et  intelligentiam  parandam  am- 
pliorem.     At    vero,    qui    eorum    operam    atque    fructus 

*S.  Clem.  Rom.  I  ad  Cor.  45;  S.  Polycarp.  ad  Phil.  7;  S.  Iren.  C. 

haer.  ii,  28,  2. 
^S.  Chrys.  In  Gen.  horn.  2,  2;  S.  Aug.  In  Ps.  xxx,  Serm.  2,  1;  S. 

Greg.  M.  ad  Theod.  Ep.  iv,  31. 


APPENDIX  II  187 

merito  collaudamus,  facere  tamen  non  possumus  quin 
ceteros  etiam,  quorum  sollertia  et  doctrina  et  pietas  op  time 
hac  in  re  pollicentur,  ad  eamdem  sancti  propositi  laudem 
vehementer  hortemur.  Optamus  nimirum  et  cupimus 
ut  plures  patrocinium  divinarum  Litterarum  rite  suscipi- 
ant  teneantque  constanter ;  utque  illi  potissime,  quos  divina 
gratia  in  sacrum  ordinem  vocavit,  maiorem  in  dies  diligen- 
tiam  industriamque  iisdem  legendis,  meditandis,  explanan- 
dis,  quod  aequissimum  est,  impendant. 

Utilitas  S.  Scripturae. 

2. — Hoc  enimvero  studium  cur  tantopere  commendan- 
dum  videatur,  praeter  ipsius  praestantiam  atque  obse- 
quium  verbo  Dei  debitum,  praecipua  causa  inest  in  multi- 
plici  utilitatum  genere,  quas  inde  novimus  manaturas, 
sponsore  certissimo  Spiritu  Sancto :  Omnis  Scriptura  divini- 
tus  inspirata,  utilis  est  ad  docendum,  ad  arguendum,  ad 
corripiendum,  ad  erudiendum  in  iustitia,  ut  perfectus  sit 
homo  Dei,  ad  omne  opus  honum  instructus^.  Tali  sane 
consilio  Scripturas  a  Deo  esse  datas  hominibus,  exempla 
ostendunt  Christi  Domini  et  Apostolorum.  Ipse  enim 
•  qui  "miraculis  conciliavit  auctoritatem,  auctoritate  meruit 
fidem,  fide  contraxit  multitudinem^",  ad  sacras  Litteras, 
in  divinae  suae  legationis  munere,  appellare  consuevit  : 
nam  per  occasionem  ex  ipsis  etiam  sese  a  Deo  missimi 
Deimique  declarat ;  ex  ipsis  argumenta  petit  ad  discipulos 
erudiendos,  ad  doctrinam  confiiTnandam  suam;  earumdem 
testimonia  et  a  calumniis  vindicat  obtrectantiimi,  et  Sad- 
ducacis  ac  Pharisaeis  ad  coarguendum  opponit,  in  ipsumque 
Satanam,  impudentius  sollicitantem,  retorquet ;  easdemque 

1 II  Tim.  m,  16-17. 

2  S.  Aug.  De  util.  cred.  xiv,  32. 


188    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

sub  ipsum  vitae  exitimi  usurpavit,  explanavitque  discipulis 
redivivus,  usque  dum  ad  Patris  gloriam  ascendit. — Eius 
autem  voce  praeceptisque  Apostoli  conformati,  tametsi 
dabat  ipse  signa  et  prodigia  fieri  per  manus  eorum\  ma- 
gnam  tamen  efficacitatem  ex  divinis  traxerunt  Libris,  ut 
christianam  sapientiam  late  gentibus  persuaderent,  ut 
ludaeorum  pervicaciam  frangerent,  ut  haereses  compri- 
merent  erumpentes.  Id  apertum  ex  ipsorum  concionibus, 
in  primis  Beati  Petri,  quas,  in  argumentum  firmissimum 
praescriptionis  novae,  dictis  veteris  Test  amen  ti  fere  con- 
texuerunt;  idque  ipsum  patet  ex  Matthaei  et  loannis 
Evangeliis  atque  ex  Catholicis,  quae  vocantur,  epistolis; 
luculentissime  vero  ex  eius  testimonio  qui  "ad  pedes 
Gamalielis  Legem  Moysi  et  Prophetas  se  didicisse  gloria- 
tur,  ut  armatus  spiritualibus  telis  postea  diceret  confiden- 
ter :  A  rma  militiae  nostrae  non  carnalia  sunt,  sed  potentia 
Deo'\'^ 

Per  exempla  igitur  Christi  Domini  et  Apostolorum 
omnes  intelligant,  tirones  praesertim  militiae  sacrae,  quan- 
ti  faciendae  sint  divinae  Litterae,  et  quo  ipsi  studio,  qua 
religione  ad  idem  veluti  armamentarium  accedere  debeant. 
Nam  catholicae  veritatis  doctrinam  qui  habeant  apud 
doctos  vel  indoctos  tractandam,  nulla  uspiam  de  Deo, 
summo  et  perfectissimo  bono,  deque  operibus  gloriam 
caritatemque  ipsius  prodentibus,  suppetet  eis  vel  cumula- 
tior  copia  vel  amplior  praedicatio;  De  Servatore  autem 
himiani  generis  nihil  uberius  expressiusve  quam  ea,  quae 
in  universo  habentur  Bibliorum  contextu;  recteque  affir- 
mavit  Hieronymus,  "ignorationem  Scripturarum  esse  ig- 

1  Act.  XIV,  3. 

'  S,  Hier.  De  studio  Script.,  ad  Paulin.  ep,  mi,  3, 


APPENDIX  II  189 

norationem  Christii" :  ab  illis  niminim  extat,  veluti  viva  et 
spirans,  imago  eius,  ex  qua  levatio  malorum,  cohortatio 
virtutum,  amoris  divini  invitatio  mirifice  prorsus  diffundi- 
tur.  Ad  Ecclesiam  vero  quod  attinet,  institutio,  natura, 
mimera,  charismata  eius  tam  crebra  ibidem  mentione  oc- 
currunt,  tam  multa  pro  ea  tamque  firma  prompta  sunt 
argumenta,  idem  ut  Hieronymus  verissime  edixerit: 
"Qui  sacrarum  Scripturarum  testimoniis  roboratus  est,  is 
est  propugnaculimi  Ecclesiae^' ' .  Quod  si  de  vitae  monrni- 
que  conformatione  et  disciplina  quaeratur,  larga  indidem 
et  optima  subsidia  habituri  sunt  viri  apostolici:  plena 
sanctitatis  praescripta,  suavitate  et  vi  condita  hortamenta, 
exempla  in  omni  virtutum  genere  insignia;  gravissima 
accedit,  ipsius  Dei  nomine  et  verbis,  praemiorum  in  aeter- 
nitatem  promissio,  denunciatio  poenarum. 

3. — ^Atque  haec  propria  et  singularis  Scripturarum  vir- 
tus, a  divino  afflatu  Spiritus  Sancti  profecta,  ea  est  quae 
oratori  sacro  auctoritatem  addit,  apostolicam  praebet 
dicendi  libertatem,  nervosam  victricemque  tribuit  elo- 
quentiam.  Quisquis  enim  divini  verbi  spiritum  et  robur 
eloquendo  refert,  ille,  non  loquitur  in  sermone  tantum^  sed 
et  in  virtute  et  in  Spiritu  Sancto  et  in  plenitudine  multa^. 
Quamobrem  ii  dicendi  sunt  praepostere  improvideque 
facere,  qui  ita  conciones  de  religione  habent  et  praecepta 
divina  enuntiant,  nihil  ut  fere  afferant  nisi  humanae  scien- 
tiae  et  prudentiae  verba,  suis  magis  argumentis  quam 
divinis  innixi.  Istorum  scilicet  orationem,  quantumvis 
nitentem  luminibus,  languescere  et  frigere  necesse  est, 

1  In  Is.  Prol. 

2  In  Is.  Liv,  12. 
» I  Thess  I,  5. 


190    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

utpote  quae  igne  careat  sermonis  Dei^,  eamdemque  longe 
abesse  ab  ilia,  qua  divinus  sermo  pollet  virtute :  Vivus  est 
enim  sermo  Dei  et  efficax  et  penetrabilior  omni  gladio  anci- 
pitif  et  pertingens  usque  ad  divisionem  animae  ac  spiritus^. 
Quamquam,  hoc  etiam  prudentioribus  assentiendum  est, 
inesse  in  sacris  Litteris  mire  variam  et  uberem  magnisque 
dignam  rebus  eloquentiam :  id  quod  Augustinus  pervidit 
diserteque  arguit^,  atque  res  ipsa  confirmat  praestantis- 
simorura  in  oratoribus  sacris,  qui  nomen  suum  assiduae 
Bibliorum  consuetudini  piaeque  meditationi  se  praecipue 
debere,  grati  Deo  affirmarunt. 

4. — Quae  omnia  Ss.  Patres  cognitione  et  usu  quum  ex- 
ploratissima  haberent,  nunquam  cessarunt  in  divinis  Lit- 
teris earumque  fructibus  collaudandis.  Eas  enimvero 
crebris  locis  appellant  vel  thesaurum  locupletissimum  doc- 
trinarum  caelestium^,  vel  perennes  fontes  salutis^,  vel  ita 
proponunt  quasi  prata  fertilia  et  amoenissimos  hortos,  in 
quibus  grex  dominicus  admirabili  modo  reficiatur  et 
delectetur^.  Apte  cadunt  ilia  S.  Hieronymi  ad  Nepotia- 
num  clericum:  "Divinas  Scripturas  saepius  lege,  imo 
nunqam  de  manibus  tuis  sacra  lectio  deponatur;  disce 
quod  doceas  .  .  .  sermo  presbyteri  Scripturarum  lectione 
conditus  sit"^";  convenitque  sententia  S.  Gregorii  Magni, 
quo  nemo  sapientius  pastorum  Ecclesiae  descripsit  munera : 
"Necesse  est,  inquit,  ut  qui  ad  officium  praedicationis 

*  lerem.  xxiii,  29. 
2  Hebr.  iv,  12. 

'  De  doctr.  chr.  iv,  6,  7. 

*  S.  Chrys.  In  Gen.  horn.  21,2;  Horn.  60,  3 ;  S.  Aug.  De  discipl.  chr.  2. 
6  S.  Athan.  Ep.  fesL  39. 

«S.  Aug.  Serm.  26,  24;  S.  Ambr.  In  Ps.  cxvni,  Serm.  19,  2. 
'  S.  Hier.  De  vit.  cleric,  ad  Nepot. 


APPENDIX  II  191 

excubant,  a  sacrae  lectionis  studio  non  recedant^". — Hic 
tamen  libet  Augustinimi  admonentem  inducere,  "Verbi 
Dei  inanem  esse  forinsecus  praedicatorem,  qui  non  sit  intus 
auditor2",  eumque  ipsum  Gregorium  sacris  concionatoribus 
praecipientem,  "ut  in  divinis  sermonibus,  priusquam  aliis 
eos  proferant,  semetipsos  requirant,  ne  insequentes  aliorum 
facta  se  deserant"^.  Sed  hoc  iam,  ab  exemplo  et  docu- 
mento  Christi,  qui  coepit  facere  et  docere,  vox  apostolica 
late  praemonuerat,  non  unum  allocuta  Timotheum,  sed 
omnem  clericorum  ordinem,  eo  mandato:  Attende  tihi 
et  doctrinae,  insta  in  illis;  hoc  enim  faciens,  et  teipsum 
salvum  fades,  et  eos  qui  te  audiunt^.  Salutis  profecto 
perfectionisque  et  propriae  et  alienae  eximia  in  sacris 
Litteris  praesto  sunt  adiumenta,  copiosius  in  Psalmis  cele- 
brata;  iis  tamen,  qui  ad  divina  eloquia,  non  solum  mentem 
afferant  docilem  at  que  attentam,  sed  integrae  quoque 
piaeque  habitum  voluntatis.  Neque  enim  eorum  ratio 
librorum  similis  atque  communitmi  putanda  est;  sed, 
quoniam  sunt  ab  ipso  Spiritu  Sancto  dictati,  resque 
gravissimas  continent  multisque  partibus  reconditas  et 
difficiliores,  ad  illas  propterea  intelligendas  exponendasque 
semper  eiusdem  Spiritus  "indigemus  adventu"^,  hoc  est 
lumine  et  gratia  eius:  quae  sane,  ut  divini  Psaltae  fre- 
quenter instat  auctoritas,  humili  sunt  precatione  imploran- 
da,  sanctimonia  vitae  custodienda. 

Providentia  Ecclesiae  pro  Sacra  Scriptura. 

5. — Praeclare  igitur  ex  his  providentia  excellit  Ecclesiae, 


»S.  Greg.  M.,ReguL  past.  II,  11  (al. 22);  Moral,  xvni,  26  (al.  14). 

^  S.  Aug.  Serm.  179,  1. 

3  S.  Greg.  M.,  Regul.  past.  Ill,  24  (al.  48). 

*  I  Tim.  IV,  16. 

^  S.  Hier.  In  Mich.  1.  10. 


192     A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

quae,  *'ne  caelestis  ille  sacrorum  Librorum  thesaurus,  quern 
Spiritus  Sanctus  summa  liber alitate  hominibus  tradidit, 
neglectus  iaceret'''^,  optimis  semper  et  institutis  et  legibus 
cavit.  Ipsa  enim  constituit,  non  soliim  magnam  eorum 
partem  ab  omnibus  suis  ministris  in  quotidiano  sacrae 
psalmodiae  officio  legendam  esse  et  mente  pia  consideran- 
dam,  sed  eonundem  expositionem  et  interpretationem  in 
ecclesiis  cathedralibus,  in  monasteriis,  in  conventibus 
aliorum  regularium,  in  quibus  studia  commode  vigere 
possint,  per  idoneos  viros  esse  tradendam :  diebus  autem 
saltern  dominicis  et  festis  solemnibus  fideles  salutaribus 
Evangelii  verbis  pasci,  restricte  iussit^.  Item  prudentiae 
debetur  diligentiaeque  Ecclesiae  cultus  ille  Scripturae 
sacrae  per  aetatem  omnem  vividus  et  plurimae  ferax  uti- 
litatis. 

6. — In  quo,  etiam  ad  firmanda  documenta  hortatio- 
nesque  Nostras,  iuvat  commemorare  quemadmodum  a 
religionis  christianae  initiis,  quotquot  sanctitate  vitae 
rerumque  divinamm  scientia  floruerunt,  ii  sacris  in  Litteris 
multi  semper  assiduique  fuerint.  Proximos  Apostolorum 
discipulos,  in  quibus  Clementem  Romanum,  Ignatium 
Antiochenum,  Polycarpum,  turn  Apologetas,  nominatim 
lustinum  et  Irenaeum,  videmus  epistolis  et  libris  suis,  sive 
ad  tutelam  sive  ad  commendationem  pertinerent  catholi- 
corum  dogmatum,  e  divinis  maxime  Litteris  fidem,  robur, 
gratiam  omnem  pietatis  arcessere.  Scholis  autem  cate- 
cheticis  ac  theologicis  in  multis  sedibus  episcoponmi 
exortis,  Alexandrina  et  Antiochena  celeberrimis,  quae  in 
eis  habebatur  institutio,  non  alia  prope  re,  nisi  lectione, 
explicatione,  defensione  divini  verbi  scripti  contenibatur. 

^  Cone.  Trid.  sess.  V»  decret.  Reform.  1. 
Ubid.  1-2. 


APPENDIX  II  193 

Inde  plerique  prodierunt  Patres  et  scriptores,  quorum 
operosis  studiis  egregiisque  libris  consecuta  tria  circiter 
saecula  ita  abundarunt,  ut  aetas  biblicae  exegeseos  aurea 
iure  ea  sit  appellata.  Inter  orientales  principem  locum 
tenet  Origenes,  celeritate  ingenii  et  laborum  constantia  ad- 
mirabilis,  cuius  ex  plurimis  scriptis  et  immenso  Hexa- 
plorum  opere  deinceps  fere  omnes  hauserunt.  Adnume- 
randi  plures,  qui  huius  disciplinae  fines  amplificarunt :  ita, 
inter  excellentiores  tulit  Alexandria  Clementem,  Cyrillum ; 
Palaestina  Eusebiiun,  Cyrillum  alterum;  Cappadocia 
Basilium  Magnum,  utrumque  Gregorium,  Nazianzenum 
et  Nyssenum;  Antiochia  loannem  ilium  Chrysostomum,in 
quo  huius  peritia  doctrinae  cum  simima  eloquentia  certa- 
vit.  Neque  id  praeclare  minus  apud  occidentales.  In 
multis  qui  se  admodum  probavere,  clara  Tertulliani  et 
Cypriani  nomina,  Hilarii  et  Ambrosii,  Leonis  et  Gregorii 
Magnorum;  clarissima  Augustini  et  Hieronymi:  quortmi 
alter  mire  acutus  extitit  in  perspicienda  divini  verbi  sen- 
tentia,  uberrimusque  in  ea  deducenda  ad  auxilia  catholicae 
veritatis,  alter  a  singulari  Bibliorum  scientia  magnisque 
ad  eorum  usum  laboribus,  nomine  Doctoris  maximi  prae- 
conio  Ecclesiae  est  honestatus. 

7. — Ex  eo  tempore  ad  undecimum  usque  saeculum, 
quamquam  huiusmodi  contentio  studiorum  non  pari 
atque  antea  ardore  ac  fructu  viguit,  viguit  tamen,  opera 
praesertim  hominum  sacri  ordinis.  Curaverunt  enim, 
aut  quae  veteres  in  hac  re  fructuosiora  reliquissent 
deligere  eaque  apte  digesta  de  suisque  aucta  pervulgare, 
ut  ab  Isidoro  Hispalensi,  Beda,  Alcuino  factum  est  in 
primis;  aut  sacros  codices  illustrare  glossis,  ut  Vala- 
fridus  Strabo  et  Anselmus  Laudunensis,  aut  eorumdem 


194    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

integritati  no  vis  curis  consulere,  ut  Petrus  Damianus 
et  Lanfrancus  fecerunt. — Saeculo  autem  duodecimo  alle- 
goricam  Scripturae  enarrationem  bona  cum  laude  plerique 
tract arunt:  in  eo  genere  S.  Bernardus  ceteris  facile  ante- 
cessit,  cuius  etiam  sermones  nihil  prope  nisi  divinas  Litteras 
sapiunt. 

8. — Sed  nova  et  laetiora  incrementa  ex  disciplina  ac- 
cessere  Scholasticorum.  Qui,  etsi  in  germanam  ver- 
sionis  latinae  lectionem  studuerunt  inquirere,  confec- 
taque  ab  ipsis  Correctoria  biblica  id  plane  testantur,  plus 
tamen  studii  industriaeque  in  interpretatione  et  explana- 
tione  collocaverunt.  Composite  enim  dilucideque,  nihil 
ut  melius  antea,  sacrorum  verborum  sensus  varii  distincti; 
cuiusque  pondus  in  re  theologica  perpensum;  definitae 
librorum  partes,  argumenta  partium;  investigata  scrip- 
torum  proposita ;  explicata  sententiarum  inter  ipsas  neces- 
situdo  et  connexio :  quibus  ex  rebus  nemo  unus  non  videt 
quantum  sit  luminis  obscurioribus  locis  admotum.  Ip- 
sorum  praeterea  de  Scripturis  lectam  doctrinae  copiam 
admodum  produnt,  tum  de  theologia  libri,  tum  in  easdem 
commentaria;  quo  etiam  nomine  Thomas  Aquinas  inter 
eos  habuit  palmam.  Postquam  vero  Clemens  V  decessor 
Noster  Athenaeum  in  Urbe  et  celeberrimas  quasque  stu- 
diorum  Universitates  litterarum  orientalium  magisteriis 
auxit,  exquisitius  homines  nostri  in  nativo  Bibliorum  codice 
et  in  exemplari  latino  elaborare  coeperunt.  Revecta 
deinde  ad  nos  eruditione  Graecorum,  multoque  magis  arte 
nova  libraria  feliciter  inventa,  cultus  Scripturae  sanctae 
latissime  accrevit.  Mirandum  est  enim  quam  brevi 
aetatis  spatio  multiplicata  praelo  sacra  exemplaria, 
vulgata  praecipue,  catholicum  orbem  quasi  compleverint ; 


APPENDIX  II  195 

adeo  per  id  ipsum  tempus,  contra  quam  Ecclesiae  hostes 
calumniantur,  in  honore  et  amore  erant  divina  volumina. — 

9. — Neque  praetereundum  est,  quantus  doctorum  viro- 
rtim  numerus,  maxima  ex  religiosis  familiis,  a  Viennensi 
Concilio  ad  Tridentinum,  in  rei  biblicae  bonum  provenerit : 
qui  et  novis  usi  subsidiis  et  variae  eruditionis  ingeniique 
sui  segetem  conferentes,  non  modo  auxerunt  congestas 
maiorum  opes,  sed  quasi  munierunt  viam  ad  praestantiam 
subsecuti  saeculi,  quod  ab  eodem  Tridentino  effluxit, 
quum  nobilissima  Patrum  aetas  propemodum  rediissevisa 
est.  Nee  enim  quisquam  ignorat,  Nobisque  est  memoratu 
iucundum,  decessores  Nostros,  a  Pio  IV  ad  Clementem 
VIII,  auctores  fuisse  ut  insignes  illae  editiones  adornaren- 
tur  versionum  veterum,  Vulgatae  et  Alexandrinae ;  quae 
deinde,  Sixti  V  eiusdemque  Clementis  iussu  et  auctoritate, 
emissae,  in  communi  usu  versantur.  Per  eadem  autem 
tempora,  notum  est,  quum  versiones  alias  Bibliorum 
antiquas,  tum  polyglottas  Antuerpiensem  et  Parisiensem, 
diligentissime  esse  editas,  sincerae  investigandae  senten- 
tiae  peraptas :  nee  uUum  esse  utriusque  Testamenti  librum, 
qui  non  plus  uno  nactus  sit  bonum  explanatorem,  neque 
graviorem  ullam  de  iisdem  rebus  quaestionem,  quae  non 
multorum  ingenia  fecundissime  exercuerit:  quos  inter  non 
pauci,  iique  studiosiores  Ss.  Patrum,  nomen  sibi  fecere 
eximiimi.  Neque,  ex  ilia  demum  aetate,  desiderata  est 
nostrorum  soUertia;  quum  clari  subinde  viri  de  iisdem 
studiis  bene  sint  meriti,  sacrasque  Litteras  contra  rationa- 
lismi  commenta,  ex  philologia  et  finitimis  disciplinis  de- 
tor  ta,  simili  argument orum  genere  vindicarint.  Haec 
omnia  qui  probe  ut  oportet  considerent,  dabunt  profecto, 
Ecclesiam,  nee  ullo  unquam  providentiae  modo  defuisse, 


196    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

quo  divinae  Scripturae  fontes  in  filios  suos  salutariter 
derivaret,  atque  illud  praesidium,  in  quo  divinitus  ad 
eiusdem  tutelam  decusque  locata  est,  retinuisse  perpetuo 
omnique  studiorum  ope  exornasse,  ut  nulHs  extemorum 
hominum  incitamentis  eguerit,  egeat. 

Regulae  pro  Studio  S.  Scripturae. 

10. — lam  postulat  a  Nobis  instituti  consilii  ratio,  ut 
quae  his  de  studiis  recte  ordinandis  videantur  optima,  ea 
vobiscum  communicemus,  Venerabiles  Fratres.  Sed  prin- 
cipio  quale  adversetur  et  instet  hominum  genus,  quibus 
vel  artibus  vel  armis  confidant,  interest  utique  hoc  loco 
recognoscere. — Scilicet,  ut  antea  cum  iis  praecipue  res  fuit 
qui  privato  iudicio  freti,  divinis  traditionibus  et  magisterio 
Ecclesiae  repudiatis,  Scripturam  statuerant  unicum  reve- 
lationis  fontem  supremumque  iudicem  fidei;  ita  nunc  est 
ctun  Rationalist  is,  qui  eorum  quasi  filii  et  heredes,  item 
sententia  innixi  sua,  vel  has  ipsas  a  patribus  acceptas 
christianae  fidei  reliquias  prorsus  abiecerunt.  Divinam 
enim  vel  revelationem  vel  inspirationem  vel  Scripturam 
sacram,  omnino  ullam  negant,  neque  alia  prorsus  ea  esse 
dictitant,  nisi  hominum  artificia  et  commenta:  illas  nimi- 
rum,  non  veras  gestarum  rerum  narrationes,  sed  aut  inep- 
tas  fabulas  aut  historias  mendaces;  ea,  non  vaticinia  et 
oracula,  sed  aut  confictas  post  eventus  praedictiones  aut 
ex  naturali  vi  praesensiones ;  ea,  non  veri  nominis  miracula 
virtutisque  divinae  ostenta,  sed  admirabilia  quaedam, 
nequaquam  naturae  viribus  maiora,  aut  praestigias  et 
mythos  quosdam:  evangelia  et  scrip ta  apostolica  aliis 
plane  auctoribus  tribuenda. 

Huiusmodi  portenta  errorum,  quibus  sacrosanctam 
divinorum  Librorum  veritatem  putant  convelli,  tamquam 


APPENDIX  II  197 

decretoria  pronuntiata  novae  cuiusdam  scientiae  liberae, 
obtrudunt:  quae  tamen  adeo  incerta  ipsimct  habent,  ut 
eisdem  in  rebus  crebrius  immutent  et  suppleant.  Quum 
vero  tarn  impie  de  Deo,  de  Christo,  de  Evangelio  et  reliqua 
Scrip tura  sentiant  et  praedicent,  non  desunt  ex  iis  qui 
theologi  et  christiani  et  evangelici  haberi  velint,  et  hone- 
stissimo  nomine  obtendant  insolentis  ingenii  temeritatem. 
His  addunt  sese  consiliorum  participes  adiutoresque  e 
ceteris  disciplinis  non  pauci,  quos  eadem  revelatarum  re- 
rum  intolei:antia  ad  oppugnationem  Bibliorum  similiter 
trahit.  Satis  autem  deplorare  non  possimius,  quam  latius 
in  dies  acriusque  haec  oppugnatio  geratur.  Geritur  in 
eruditos  et  graves  homines,  quamquam  illi  non  ita  diffi- 
culter  sibi  possunt  cavere;  at  maxime  contra  indoctorum 
vulgus  omni  consilio  et  arte  infensi  hostes  nituntur. 
Libris,  libellis,  diariis  exitiale  virus  infundunt;  id  con- 
cionibus,  id  sermonibus  insinuant ;  omnia  iam  pervasere,  et 
multas  tenent,  abstractas  ab  Ecclesiae  tutela,  adolescen- 
tium  scholas,  ubi  credulas  moUesque  mentes  ad  contemp- 
tionem  Scripturae,  per  ludibrium  etiam  et  scurriles  iocos, 
depravant  misere. — Ista  sunt,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  quae 
commune  pastorale  studium  permoveant,  incendant;  ita 
ut  huic  novae  falsi  yiominis  scientiae^  antiqua  ilia  et  vera 
opponatur,  quam  a  Christo  per  Apostolos  accepit  Ecclesia, 
atque  in  dimicatione  tanta  idonei  defensores  Scripturae 
sacrae  exsurgant. 

11. — Itaque  ea  prima  sit  cura,  ut  in  sacris  Seminariis  vel 
Academiis  sic  omnino  tradantur  divinae  Litterae,  quem- 
admodum  et  ipsius  gravitas  disciplinae  et  temporum 
necessitas   admonent.      Cuius   rei   causa,   nihil   profecto 

1 1  Tim.  VI,  20. 


198    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

debet  esse  antiquius  magistronim  delectione  prudenti: 
ad  hoc  enim  munus  non  homines  quidem  de  multis,  sed 
tales  assumi  oportet,  quos  magnus  amor  et  diuturna  con- 
suetudo  Bibliorum,  atque  opportunus  doctrinae  ornatus 
commendabiles  faciat,  pares  officio.  Neque  minus  pro- 
spiciendum  mature  est,  honmi  postea  locum  qui  sint  ex- 
cepturi.  luverit  idcirco,  ubi  commodum  sit,  ex  alumnis 
optimae  spei,  theologiae  spatium  laudate  emensis,  non- 
nullos  divinis  Libris  totos  addici,  facta  eisdem  plenioris 
cuiusdam  studii  aliquandiu  facultate.  Ita  delecti  insti- 
tutique  doctores,  commissum  munus  adeant  fidenter,  in 
quo  ut  versentur  optime  et  consentaneos  fructus  educant, 
aliqua  ipsis  documenta  paulo  explicatius  impertire  placeat. 

12. — Ergo  ingenii  tironum  in  ipso  studii  limine  sic 
prospiciant,  ut  iudicium  in  eis,  aptimi  pariter  Libris 
divinis  tuendis  atque  arripiendae  ex  ipsis  sententiae,  con- 
forment  sedulo  et  excolant.  Hue  pertinet  tractatus  de 
introductione,  ut  loquuntur,  biblica,  ex  quo  alumnus  com- 
modam  habet  opem  ad  integritatem  auctoritatemque 
Biblionmi  convincendam,  ad  legitimimi  in  illis  sensum 
investigandum  et  assequendum,  ad  occupanda  captiosa  et 
radicitus  evellenda.  Quae  quanti  momenti  sit  disposite 
scienterque,  comite  et  adiutrice  theologia,  esse  initio  dis- 
putata,  vix  attinet  dicere,  quum  tota  continenter  tractatio 
Scripturae  reliqua  hisce  vel  fundamentis  nitatur  vel 
luminibus  clarescat. 

13. — Exinde  in  fructuosiorem  huius  doctrinae  partem, 
quae  de  interpretatione  est,  perstudiose  incumbet  prae- 
ceptoris  opera;  unde  sit  auditoribus,  quo  dein  modo  divini 
verbi  divitias  in  profectum  religionis  et  pietatis  con- 
vertant.     Intelligimus  equidem,  enarrari  in  scholis  Scrip- 


APPENDIX  II  199 

turas  omnes,  nee  per  amplitudinem  rei,  nee  per  tempus 
licere.  Verumtamen,  quoniam  certa  opus  est  via  in- 
terpretationis  utiliter  expediendae,  utrumque  magister 
prudens  dcvitet  incommodum,  vel  eortmi  qui  de  singulis 
libris  cursim  delihandum  praebent,  vel  eorum  qui  in 
certa  unius  parte  immoderatius  consistunt.  Si  enim 
in  plerisque  scholis  adeo  non  poterit  obtineri,  quod  in 
Academiis  maioribus,  ut  unus  aut  alter  liber  continuatione 
quadam  et  ubertate  exponatur,  at  magnopere  efficiendum 
est,  ut  librorum  partes  ad  interpretandum  selectae  tracta- 
tionem  habeant  convenienter  plenam :  quo  veluti  specimine 
allecti  discipuli  et  edocti,  cetera  ipsi  perlegant  adamentque 
in  omni  vita. 

14. — Is  porro,  retinens  instituta  maiorum,  exemplar 
in  hoc  sumet  versionem  vulgatam,  quam  Concilium 
Tridentinum  in  publicis  lectionihiis,  disputationihiis,  prae- 
dicationihus  et  expositionihus  pro  authentica  habendam 
decrevitl,  atque  etiam  commendat  quotidiana  Ecclesiae 
consuetudo.  Neque  tamen  non  sua  habenda  erit  ratio 
reliquarum  versionum,  quas  Christiana  laudavit  usur- 
pavitque  antiquitas,  maxima  codicum  primigeniorum. 
Quamvis  enim,  ad  summam  rei  quod  spectat,  ex  dictionibus 
Vulgatae  hebraea  ct  graeca  bene  eluceat  sententia,  attamen 
si  quid  ambigue,  si  quid  minus  accurate  inibi  elatum  sit, 
"inspectio  praecedcntis  linguae,"  suasore  Augustino, 
proficiet^.  lamvero  per  se  liquet,  quam  multum  na- 
vitatis  ad  haec  adhiberi  oporteat,  quum  demum  sit 
"commentatoris  officium,  non  quid  ipse  velit,  sed  quid 
sentiat  ille  quem  interpretetur,  expontre''^. 

1  Sess.  IV,  deer.  De  edit,  et  usu  sacr.  lihror, 

^Dedoctr.  chr.  in,  4. 

3  S.  Hier.  Ad  Fammach.  ep.  48, 17. 


200    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

15. — Post  expensam,  ubi  opus  sit,  omni  industria  lec- 
tionem,  turn  locus  erit  scrutandae  et  proponendae  sen- 
tentiae.  Primum  autem  consilium  est,  ut  probata  com- 
muniter  interpretandi  praescripta  tanto  experrectiore  ob- 
serventur  cura  quanto  morosior  ab  adversariis  urget  con- 
tentio.  Propterea  cum  studio  perpendendi  quid  ipsa 
verba  valeant,  quid  consecutio  renmi  velit,  quid  locorum 
similitudo  aut  talia  cetera,  externa  quoque  appositae 
eruditionis  illustratio  societur :  cauto  tamen,  ne  istiusmodi 
quaestionibus  plus  temporis  tribuatur  et  operae  quam 
pemoscendis  divinis  Libris,  neve  corrogata  multiplex 
rerum  cognitio  mentibus  iuvenum  plus  incommodi  afferat 
quam  adiumenti. 

16. — Ex  hoc,  tutus  erit  gradus  ad  usum  divinae  Scrip- 
turae  in  re  theologica.  Quo  in  genera  animadvertisse 
oportet,  ad  ceteras  difficultatis  causas,  quae  in  quibusvis 
antiquorum  libris  intelligendis  fere  occurrunt,  proprias 
aliquas  in  Libris  sacris  accedere.  Eorum  enim  verbis, 
auctore  Spiritu  Sancto,  res  multae  subiiciuntur  quae 
himianae  vim  aciemque  rationis  longissime  vincunt,  divina 
scilicet  mysteria  et  quae  cum  illis  continentur  alia  multa; 
idque  nonnunquam  ampliore  quadam  et  reconditiore  sen- 
tentia,  quam  exprimere  littera  et  hermeneuticae  leges  in- 
dicare  videantur:  alios  praeterea  sensus,  vel  ad  dogmata 
illustranda  vel  ad  commendanda  praecepta  vitae,  ipse  lit- 
teralis  sensus  profecto  adsciscit.  Quamobrem  diffitendum 
non  est  religiosa  quadam  obscuritate  sacros  Libros  in- 
volvi,  ut  ad  eos,  nisi  aliquo  viae  duce,  nemo  ingredi  possit^ : 
•Deo  quidem  sic  providente  (quae  vulgata  est  opinio 
Ss.  Patrum),  ut  homines  maiore  cum  desiderio  et  studio 

1 S.  Hier,  ad  Paulin.  De  studio  Script,  ep.  liii,  4. 


APPENDIX  II  201 

illos  perscrutarentur,  resque  inde  operose  perceptas  menti- 
bus  animisque  altius  infigerent ;  intelligerentque  praecipue, 
Scripturas  Deum  tradidisse  Ecclesiae,  qua  scilicet  duce  et 
magistra  in  legendis  tractandisque  eloquiis  suis  certissima 
uterentur.  Ubi  enim  charismata  Domini  posita  sint,  ibi 
discendam  esse  veritatem,  at  que  ab  illis,  apud  quos  sit 
successio  apostolica,  Scripturas  nullo  cum  periculo  ex- 
poni,  iam  sanctus  docuit  Irenaeus;!  cuius  quidem  cetero- 
nimque  Patrum  doctrinam  Synodus  Vaticana  amplexa 
est,  quando  Tridentinum  decretum  de  divini  verbi  scrip ti 
interpretatione  renovans,  hanc  illius  mentem  esse  declaravit, 
ut  in  rebus  fidei  et  morum  ad  aedificationem  doctrinae 
christianae  pertinentium,  is  pro  vero  sensu  sacrae  Scripturae 
habendus  sit,  quern  tenuit  ac  tenet  sancta  Mater  Ecclesia, 
cuius  est  iudicare  de  vero  sensu  et  interpretatione  scriptu- 
rarum  sanctarum  atque  ideo  nemini  licere  contra  hunc 
sensum  aut  etiam  contra  unanimem  consensum  Patrum 
ipsam  Scripturam  sacram  inter pretari'^, 

17. — Qua  plena  sapientiae  lege  nequaquam  Ecclesia 
pervestigationem  scientiae  biblicae  retardat  aut  coercet: 
sed  earn  potius  ab  errore  integram  praestat,  plurimumque 
ad  veram  adiuvat  progressionem.  Nam  private  cuique 
doctori  magnus  patet  campus,  in  quo,  tutis  vestigiis,  sua 
interpretandi  industria  praeclare  certet  Ecclesiaeque 
utiliter.  In  locis  quidem  divinae  Scripturae  qui  exposi- 
tionem  cert  am  et  definitam  adhuc  desiderant,  effici  it  a 
potest,  ex  suavi  Dei  providentis  consilio,  ut,  quasi  prae- 
parato  studio,  iudicium  Ecclesiae  maturetur;  in  locis  vero 


»  C.  haer.  iv,  26,  5. 

'  Sess-  III,  cap.  ii,  De  revel.:  cf.  Cone.  Trid.  sess.  IV,  deer.  De  edit,  et 
usu  sacr.  libror. 


202    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

iam  definitis  potest  privatus  doctor  aeque  prodesse,  si  eos 
vel  enucleatius  apud  fidelium  plebem  et  ingeniosius  apud 
doctos  edisserat,  vel  insignius  evincat  ab  adversariis. 
Quapropter  praecipuum  sanctumque  sit  catholico  inter- 
pret!, ut  ilia  Scripturae  testimonia,  quorum  sensus  authen- 
tice  declaratus  est,  aut  per  sacros  auctores,  Spiritu  Sancto 
afflante,  uti  multis  in  locis  novi  Testamenti,  aut  per  Ec- 
clesiam  eodem  Sancto  adsistente  Spiritu  sive  solemni 
itidiciOf  sive  ordinario  et  universali  magisterioi^,  eadem  ipse 
ratione  interpretetur,  atque  ex  adiumentis  disciplinae  suae 
convincat,  earn  solam  interpretationem,  ad  sanae  her- 
meneuticae  leges,  posse  recte  probari.  In  ceteris  analogia 
fidei  sequenda  est,  et  doctrina  catholica,  qualis  ex  auctori- 
tate  Ecclesiae  accepta,  tamquam  summa  norma  est  ad- 
hibenda:  nam,  quum  et  sacrorum  Librorum  et  doctrinae 
apud  Ecclesiam  depositae  idem  sit  auctor  Deus,  prefect o 
fieri  nequit,  ut  sensus  ex  illis,  qui  ab  hac  quoquo  modo  dis- 
crepet,  legitima  interpretatione  eruatur.  Ex  quo  apparet, 
eam  interpretationem  ut  ineptam  et  falsam  reiiciendam, 
quae,  vel  inspiratos  auctores  inter  se  quodammodo  pug- 
nantes  faciat,  vel  doctrinae  Ecclesiae  adversetur. 

18. — Huius  igitur  disciplinae  magister  hac  etiam  laude 
floreat  oportet,  ut  omnem  theologiam  egregie  teneat, 
atque  in  commentariis  versatus  sit  Ss.  Patrum  Doctorum- 
que  et  interpretum  optimorum.  Id  sane  inculcat 
Hieronymus2,  multumque  Augustinus,  qui,  iusta  cum 
querela,  "Si  unaquaeque  disciplina,  inquit,  quamquam 
vilis  et  facilis,  ut  percipi  possit,  doctorem  aut  magistrum 
requirit,  quid  temerariae  superbiae  plenius,  quam  divi- 

*Conc.  Vat.  sess.  III.  cap.  in,  Defide. 
^  Ibid.  6,  7. 


APPENDIX  II  203 

norum  sacrament orum  Hbros  ab  interpretibus  suis  nolle 
cognoscere!"!  Id  ipsum  sensere  et  exemplo  confirmavere 
ceteri  Patres,  qui  "divinarum  Scripturarum  intelligentiam, 
non  ex  propria  praestimptione,  sed  ex  maiorum  scriptis 
et  auctoritate  sequebantur,  quos  et  ipsos  ex  apostolica 
successione  intelligendi  regulam  suscepisse  constabat".^ 

19. — lamvero  Ss.  Patrum,  quibus  "post  Apostolos, 
sancta  Ecclesia  plantatoribus,  rigatoribus,  aedificatoribus, 
pastoribus,  nutritoribus  crevit",^  summa  auctoritas  est, 
quotiescumque  testimonium  aliquod  biblicum,  ut  ad 
fidei  pertinens  morumve  doctrinam,  imo  eodemque  modo 
explicant  omnes:  nam  ex  ipsa  eorum  consensione,  ita  ab 
Apostolis  secundum  catholicam  fidem  traditum  esse 
nitide  eminet.  Eorumdem  vero  Patrum  sententia  tunc 
etiam  magni  aestimanda  est,  quum  hisce  de  rebus  munere 
doctorum  quasi  privatim  funguntur;  quippe  quos,  non 
modo  scientia  revelatae  doctrinae  et  multarum  notitia 
rerum,  ad  apostolicos  libros  cognoscendos  utilium,  valde 
commendet,  verum,  Deus  ipse,  viros  sanctimonia  vitae  et 
veritatis  studio  insignes,  amplioribus  luminis  sui  praesidiis 
adiuverit.  Quare  interpres  suum  esse  noverit,  eonmi  et 
vestigia  reverenter  persequi  et  laboribus  frm  intelligenti 
delectu. 

20. — Neque  ideo  tamen  viam  sibi  putet  obstructam,  quo 
minus,  ubi  iusta  causa  adfuerit,  inquirendo  et  exponendo 
vcl  ultra  procedat,  modo  praeceptioni  illi,  ab  Augustino 
sapienter  propositae,  religiose  obsequatur,  videlicet  a  lit- 
terali  et  veluti  obvio  sensu  minima  discedendum,  nisi  qua 

1  Ad  Honorat.,  De  utilit.  cred.  xvii,  35, 

2  Rufin,  Hist.  eccl.  II,  9. 

»S.  Aug.  C.  lulian.  ii,  10,  37. 


204    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

eum  vel  ratio  tenere  prohibeat  vel  necessitas  cogat  di- 
mitterei;  quae  praeceptio  eo  tenenda  estfirmius,  quomagis, 
in  tanta  novitatum  cupidine  et  opinionum  licentia,  peri- 
culum  imminet  aberrandi.  Caveat  idem  ne  ilia  negligat 
quae  ab  eisdem  Patribus  ad  allegoricam  similemve  sen- 
ten  tiam  translata  sunt,  maxime  quum  ex  litterali  de- 
scendant et  multorum  auctoritate  fulciantur.  Talem 
enim  interpretandi  rationem  ab  Apostolis  Ecclesia  accepit, 
suoque  ipsa  exemplo,  ut  e  re  patet  liturgica,  comproba vit ; 
non  quod  Patres  ex  ea  contenderent  dogmata  fidei  per  se 
demonstrare,  sed  quia  bene  frugiferam  virtuti  et  pietati 
alendae  nossent  experti. 

21. — Ceterorum  interpretum  catholicorum  est  minor 
quidem  auctoritas,  attamen,  quoniam  Bibliorum  studia 
continuum  quemdam  progressum  in  Ecclesia  habuerunt, 
istorum  pariter  commentariis  suus  tribuendus  est  honor, 
ex  quibus  multa  opportune  peti  liceat  ad  refellenda  con- 
traria,  ad  difficiliora  enodanda.  At  vero  id  nimium 
dedecety  ut  quis,  egregiis  operibus,  quae  nostri  abunde 
reliquerunty  ignoratis  aiit  des pedis,  heterodoxorum  lihros 
praeoptet,  ab  eisque  cum  praesenti  sanae  doctrinae  periculo 
et  non  raro  detrimento  fidei,  explicationem  locorum  quaerat, 
in  quibus  catholici  ingenia  et  labores  suos  iamdudum 
optimeque  collocarint.  Licet  enim  heterodoxorum  studiis, 
prudent er  adhibitis,  iuvari  inter dum  possit  interpres 
catholicus,  meminerit  tamen,  ex  crebris  quoque  veterum 
documentis2,  incorruptum  sacrarum  Litterarum  sensum 
extra  Ecclesiam  neutiquam  reperiri,  neque  ab  eis  tradi 

1  De  Gen.  ad  litt.  1.  viii,  c.  7,  13. 

^Cfr.  Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  vii,  16;  Orig.  De  princ.  iv,  8;  In  Levit. 
horn.  4,  8;Tertull.  De  praescr.  15,  seqq.;  S.  Hilar.  ViQi.*^In  Math. 
xm,  1. 


APPENDIX  II  205 

posse,  qui,  verae  fidei  expertes,  Scripturae  non  medullam 
attingunt,  sed  corticem  roduntA 

22. — Illud  autem  maxime  optabile  est  et  necessarium,  ut 
eiusdem  divinae  Scripturae  usus  in  universam  theologiae 
influat  disciplinam  eiusque  prope  sit  anima:  ita  nimirum 
omni  aetate  Patres  atque  praeclarissimi  quique  theologi 
professi  sunt  et  re  praestiterunt.  Nam  quae  obiectum 
sunt  fidei  vel  ab  eo  consequuntur,  ex  divinis  potissime 
Litteris  studuerunt  asserere  et  stabilire;  atque  ex  ipsis, 
sicut  pariter  ex  divina  traditione,  nova  haereticorum  com- 
menta  refutare,  catholiconmi  dogmatum  rationem,  in- 
telligentiam,  vincula  exquirere.  Neque  id  cuiquam  fuerit 
minim  qui  reputet,  tam  insignem  locum  inter  revelationis 
fontes  divinis  Libris  deberi,  ut,  nisi  eorum  studio  usuque 
assiduo,  nequeat  theologia  rite  et  pro  dignitate  tractari. 
Tametsi  enim  rectimi  est  iuvenes  in  Academiis  et  scholis 
ita  praecipue  exerceri,  ut  intellectum  et  scientiam  dog- 
matimi  assequuntur,  ab  articulis  fidei  argumentatione 
instituta  ad  alia  ex  illis,  secundum  normas  probatae 
solidaeque  philosophiae,  concludenda ;  gravi  tamen  erudi- 
toque  theologo  minime  negligenda  est  ipsa  demonstratio 
dogmatum  ex  Bibliorum  auctoritatibus  ducta:  "Non  enim 
accipit  (theologia)  sua  principia  ab  aliis  scientiis,  sed  im-. 
mediate  a  Deo  per  revelationem.  Et  idee  non  accipit 
ab  aliis  scientiis,  tamquam  a  superioribus,  sed  utitur  eis 
tamquam  inferioribus  et  ancillis."  Quae  sacrae  doctrinae 
tradendae  ratio  praeceptorem  commendatoremque  habet 
theologorum  principem,  Aquinatem^:  qui  praeterea,  ex 
hac  bene  perspecta  christianae  theologiae  indole,  docuit 

1  S.  Greg.  M.  Moral,  xx,  9  (al.  11). 
^Summ.  theol.  p.  I,  q.  i,  a.  5  ad  2. 


206    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

quemadmodum  possit  theologus  sua  ipsa  principia,  si  qui 
ea  forte  impugnent,  tueri:  "Argumentando  quidem,  si 
adversarius  aliquid  concedat  eorum,  quae  per  divinam 
revelationem  habentur ;  sicut  per  auctoritates  sacrae 
Scrip turae  disputamus  contra  haereticos,  et  per  unum 
articulum  contra  negantes  alium.  Si  vero  adversarius 
nihil  credat  eorum  quae  divinitus  revelantur,  non  rema- 
net  amplius  via  ad  probandum  articulos  fidei  per  rationes, 
sed  ad  solvendum  rationes,  si  quas  inducit  contra  fidemi". 
23. — Providendum  igitur,  ut  ad  studia  biblica  conveni- 
enter  instructi  munitique  aggrediantur  iuvenes ;  ne  iustam 
frustrentur  spem,  neu,  quod  deterius  est,  erroris  dis- 
crimen  incaute  subeant,  Rationalistarum  capti  fallaciis 
apparataeque  specie  eruditionis.  Erunt  autem  optime 
comparati,  si,  qua  Nosmetipsi  monstravimus  et  prae- 
scripsimus  via,  philosophiae  et  theologiae  institutionem, 
eodem  S.  Thoma  duce,  religiose  coluerint  penitusque  perce- 
perint.  Ita  recte  incedent,  quum  in  re  biblica,  turn  in  ea 
theologiae  parte  quam  positivam  nominant,  in  utraque 
laetissime  progressuri. 

Defensio  S.  Scripturae  contra  criticos  modernos. 

24. — Doctrinam  catholicam  legitima  et  sollerti  sacro- 
nun  Bibliorum  interpretatione  probasse,  exposuisse,  il- 
lustrasse,  multum  id  quidem  est :  altera  tamen,  eaque  tarn 
gravis  momenti  quam  operis  laboriosi,  pars  remanet,  ut 
ipsorum  auctoritas  integra  quam  validissime  asseratur. 
Quod  quidem  nullo  alio  pacto  plene  licebit  universeque 
assequi,  nisi  ex  vivo  et  proprio  magisterio  Ecclesiae ;  quae 
per  se  ipsa^  oh  suam  nempe  admirabilem  propagationem, 
eximiam    sanctitatem   et   inexhaustam   in    omnibus    bonis 

1  Jhid.  a.  8. 


APPENDIX  II  207 

fecunditatetn ,  oh  catholicam  unitatem,  invictamque  stMlita- 
tern,  magnum  qitoddam  et  perpetuum  est  motiviim  credihili- 
talis  et  divinae  suae  legationis  testimonium  irrefragahile^. 
Quoniam  vcro  divinum  et  infallibile  magisterium  Ec- 
clesiae,  in  auctoritate  etiam  sacrae  Scripturae  consistit, 
huius  propterea  fides  saltern  humana  asserenda  in  primis 
vindicandaque  est :  quibus  ex  libris,  tamquam  ex  antiquita- 
tis  probatissimis  testibus,  Christi  Domini  divinitas  et  lega- 
tio,  Ecclesiae  hierarchicae  institutio,  primatus  Petro  et 
successoribus  eius  collatus,  in  tuto  apertoque  collocentur. 
Ad  hoc  plurimum  sane  conducet,  si  plures  sint  e  sacro 
ordine  paratiores,  qui  hac  etiam  in  parte  pro  fide  dimicent 
et  impetus  hostiles  propulsent,  induti  praecipue  armatura 
Dei,  quam  suadet  Apostolus, 2  neque  vero  ad  nova  hostium 
arma  et  praelia  insueti.  Quod  pulchre  in  sacerdotum 
officiis  sic  recenset  Chrysostomus :  "Ingens  adhibendum 
est  studium  ut  Christi  verhum  habitet  in  nobis  abundanter^: 
neque  enim  ad  unum  pugnae  genus  parati  esse  debemus, 
sed  multiplex  est  bellimi  et  varii  sunt  hostes ;  neque  iisdem 
omnes  utuntur  armis,  neque  uno  tan  turn  mode  nobiscum 
congredi  moliuntur.  Quare  opus  est,  ut  is  qui  cum  omni- 
bus congressurus  est,  omnium  machinas  artesque  cognitas 
habeat,  ut  idem  sit  Sagittarius  et  fiinditor,  tribunus  et 
manipuli  ductor,  dux  et  miles,  pedes  et  eques,  navalis  ac 
muralis  pugnae  peritus;  nisi  enim  omnes  dimicandi  artes 
noverit,  novit  diabolus  per  unam  partem,  si  sola  negliga- 
tur,  praedonibus  suis  immissis,  oves  diripere^".  Fallacias 
hostium  artesque  in  hac  re  ad  impugnandum  multiplices 

*  Cone.  Vat.  sess.  Ill,  c.  ni,  Defide. 
^Eph.  VI,  13,  seqq. 

»  Cf.  Col.  Ill,  16. 

*  De  sacerd.  iv,  4. 


208    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

supra  adtunbravimus :  iam,  quibus  praesidiis  ad  defensio- 
nem  nitendum,  commoneamus. 

25. — Est  primum  in  studio  linguarum  veterum  oriental- 
ium  simulque  in  arte  quam  vocant  criticam.  Utriusque 
rei  scientia  quum  hodie  in  magno  sit  pretio  et  laude,  ea 
clerus,  plus  minus ve  pro  locis  et  hominibus  exquisita, 
omatus,  melius  poterit  decus  et  munus  sustinere  suum; 
nam  ipse  omnia  omnibus'^  fieri  debet,  paratus  semper  ad 
satisfactionem  omni  poscenti  rationem  de  ea  quae  in  ipso  est 
spe.^  Ergo  sacrae  Scripturae  magistris  necesse  est  at  que 
theologos  addecet,  eas  linguas  cognitas  habere  quibus 
libri  canonici  sunt  primitus  ab  hagiographis  exarati, 
easdemque  optimum  factu  erit  si  colant  alumni  Ecclesiae, 
qui  praesertim  ad  academicos  theologiae  gradus  aspirant. 
Atque  etiam  curandtmi  ut  omnibiis  in  Academiis,  quod 
iam  in  multis  receptum  laudabiliter  est,  de  ceteris  item 
antiquis  linguis,  maxime  semiticis,  deque  congruente  cum 
illis  eruditione,  sint  magisteria,  eortmi  in  primis  usui  qui 
ad  sacras  Litteras  profitendas  designantur. 

26. — Hos  autem  ipsos,  eiusdem  rei  gratia,  doctiores  esse 
oportet  atque  exercitatiores  in  vera  artis  criticae  disciplina : 
perperam  enim  et  cum  religionis  damno  inductum  est 
artificium,  nomine  honestatum  criticae  subtimioris,  quo 
ex  solis  internis,  uti  loquuntur,  rationibus,  cuiuspiam  libri 
origo,  integritas,  auctoritas  diiudicata  emergant.  Contra 
perspicuum  est,  in  quaestionibus  rei  historicae,  cuiusmodi 
origio  et  conservatio  librorum,  historiae  testimonia  valere 
prae  ceteris,  eaque  esse  quam  studiosissime  et  conquirenda 
et  excutienda :  illas  vero  rationes  internas  plerumque  non 

1 1  Cor.  IX,  22. 
«IPetr.  m.  15. 


APPENDIX  II  209 

esse  tanti,  uti  in  causam,  nisi  ad  quamdam  confirmationem, 
possint  advocari.  Secus  si  fiat,  magna  profecto  conse- 
quentur  incommoda.  Nam  hostibus  religionis  plus  con- 
fidentiac  futurum  est  ut  sacrorum  authenticitatem  Li- 
brorum  impetant  et  discerpant :  illud  ipsum  quod  extoUunt 
genus  criticae  sublimioris,  eo  demum  recidet,  ut  suum 
quisque  studium  praeiudicatamque  opinionem  interpre- 
tando  sectentur :  inde  neque  Scripturis  quaesitum  lumen 
accedet,  neque  ulla  doctrinae  oritura  utilitas  est,  sed  certa 
ilia  patebit  erroris  nota,  quae  est  varietas  et  dissimilitudo 
sentiendi,  ut  iam  ipsi  sunt  documento  huiusce  novae  prin- 
cipes  disciplinae:  inde  etiam,  quia  plerique  infecti  sunt 
vanae  philosophiae  et  rationalismi  placitis,  ideo  prophetias, 
miracula,  cetera  quaecumque  naturae  ordinem  superent, 
ex  sacris  Libris  dimovere  non  verebuntur. 

27. — Congrediendum  secundo  loco  cum  iis,  qui  sua  phy- 
sicorum  scientia  abusi,  sacros  Libros  omnibus  vestigiis  in- 
dagant,  unde  auctoribus  inscitiam  rerum  talium  opponant, 
scripta  ipsa  vituperent.  Quae  quidem  insimulationes 
quum  res  attingant  sensibus  obiectas,  eo  periculosiores  acci- 
dunt,  manantes  in  vulgus,  maxime  in  deditam  litteris 
iuventutem;  quae,  si  scmel  reverentiam  divinae  revela- 
tionis  in  uno  aliquo  capite  exuerit,  facile  in  omnibus  om- 
nem  eius  fidem  est  dimissura.  Nimium  sane  constat,  de 
natura  doctrinam,  quantum  ad  percipiendam  summi 
Artificis  gloriam  in  procreatis  rebus  impressam  aptissima 
est,  modo  sit  convenienter  proposita,  tantum  posse  ad  ele- 
menta  sanae  philosophiae  evellenda  corrumpendosque 
mores,  teneris  animis  perverse  infusam.  Quapropter  Scrip- 
turae  sacrae  doctori  cognitio  naturalium  rerum  bono  erit 


210    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

subsidio,   quo  huius  quoque  modi  captiones  in  di vinos 

Libros  instructas  facilius  detegat  et  refellat. 

28. — Nulla  quidem  theologum  inter  et  physicum  vera 

dissensio  intercesserit,  dum  suis  uterque  finibus  se  con- 

tineant,  id  caventes  secundum  S.  Augustini  monitum, 

"ne  aliquid  temere  et  incognitum  pro  cognito  asserant".! 

Sin  tamen  dissenserint,  quemadmodum  se  gerat  theologus, 

summatim  ect  regula  ab  eodem  oblata:  "Quidquid,  inquit, 

ipsi  de  natura  rerum  veracibus  documentis  demonstrare 

potuerint,  ostendamus  nostris  Litteris  non  esse  contraritun ; 

quidquid  autem  de  quibuslibet  suis  voluminibus  his  nostris 

Litteris,  idest,  catholicae  fidei,  contrarium  protulerint,  aut 

aliqua  etiam  facultate  ostendamus,  aut  nulla  dubitatione 

credamus  esse  f alsissimum' '  .2    De  cuius  aequitate  regulae  in 

considerations   sit  primum,   scriptores  sacros,    seu  verius 

**Spiritum   Dei^  qui  per  ipsos    loquehatur^  noluisse  ista 

(videlicet  intimam  adspectahilium    rerum    constitutionem) 

docere  homines ^  nulli  saluti  profutura'';^  quare  eos,  potius 

quam  explorationem  naturae  recta  persequantur^  res  ipsas 

aliquando  descrihere  et  tractare  aut  quodam  translationis 

modOf  aut  sicut  communis  sermo  per  ea  ferebat  tempora^ 

hodieque  de  multis  jert  rebus  in  quotidiana  vita,  ipsos  inter 

homines  scientissimos.     Vulgari  autem  sermone  quum  ea 

primo  proprieque  efferantur  quae  cadant  sub  sensus,  non 

dissimiliter  scriptor  sacer  (monuitque  et  Doctor  Angelicus) 

"ea  secutus  est,  quae  sensibiliter  apparent ",4  seu  quae 

Deus  ipse,  homines  alloquens,  ad  eorum  captum  signifi- 

cavit  humano  more. 

^  In  Gen.  op.  imperf.  ix,  30. 

^  De  Gen.  ad.  luL  I,  21,  41. 

«S.  Aug.«6.  II,  9,  20. 

*Summa  theol.  p.  I,  q.  lxx,  a  1  ad  3. 


APPENDIX  II  211 

29. — Quod  vero  defensio  Scripturae  sanctae  agenda 
strenue  est,  non  ex  eo  omnes  aeque  sententiae  tuendae 
sunt,  quas  singuli  Patres  aut  qui  deinceps  interpretes 
in  eadem  declaranda  ediderint:  qui,  prout  erant  opiniones 
aetatis,  in  locis  edisserendis  ubi  physica  aguntur,  for- 
tasse  non  it  a  semper  iudicaverunt  ex  veritate,  ut  quaedam 
posuerint,  quae  nunc  minus  probentur.  Quocirca  studiose 
dignoscendum  in  illorum  interpretationibus,  quaenam 
reapse  tradant  tamquam  spectantia  ad  fidem  aut  cum  ea 
maxihie  copulata,  quaenam  unanimi  tradant  consensu; 
namque  "in  his  quae  de  necessitate  fidei  non  sunt,  licuit 
Sanctis  diversimode  opinari,  sicut  et  nobis",  ut  est  S. 
Thomae  sentential.  Qui  et  alio  loco  prudentissime 
habet:  "Mihi  videtur  tutius  esse,  huiusmodi,  quae  philo- 
sophi  communiter  senserunt,  et  nostrae  fidei  non  re- 
pugnant, nee  sic  esse  asserenda  ut  dogmata  fidei,  etsi 
aliquando  sub  nomine  philosophorum  introducantiir, 
nee  sic  esse  neganda  tamquam  fidei  contraria,  ne  sapi- 
entibus  huius  mundi  occasio  contemnendi  doctrinam 
fidei  praebeatur".2  Sane,  quamquam  ea,  quae  specu- 
latores  naturae  certis  argumentis  certa  iam  esse  affirmarint, 
interpres  ostendere  debet  nihil  Scripturis  recte  expli- 
catis  obsistere,  ipsum  tamen  ne  fugiat,  factum  quan- 
doque  esse,  ut  certa  quaedam  ab  illis  tradita,  postea  in 
dubitationem  adducta  sint  et  repudiata.  Quod  si  physi- 
corum  scriptores  terminos  disciplinae  suae  transgressi, 
in  provinciam  philosophorum  perversitate  opinionum 
invadant,  eas  interpres  theologus  philosophis  mittat  re- 
futandas. 


^  In  Sent,  ii,  dist.  ii,  q.  I,  a.  3. 
a  Opusc.  X. 


212    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Inspiratio  S.  Scripturae. 

30. — Haec  ipsa  deinde  ad  cognatas  discipUnas,  ad  his- 
toriam  praesertim,  iuvahit  transferri.  Dolendum  enim, 
multos  esse  qui  antiquitatis  montunenta,  gentium  mores 
et  instituta,  similiumque  rerum  testimonia  magnis  ii  qui- 
dem  laboribus  perscrutentur  et  proferant,  sed  eo  saepius 
consilio,  ut  erroris  labes  in  sacris  Libris  deprehendant,  ex 
quo  illoi-um  auctoritas  usquequaque  infirmetur  et  nutet. 
Idque  nonnulli  et  nimis  infesto  animo  faciunt  nee  satis 
aequo  iudicio ;  qui  sic  fidimt  prof anis  libris  et  documentis 
memoriae  priscae,  perinde  ut  nulla  eis  ne  suspicio  quidem 
erroris  possit  subesse,  libris  vero  Scripturae  sacrae,  ex 
opinata  tantum  erroris  specie,  neque  ea  probe  discussa, 
vel  parem  abnuunt  fidem.  Fieri  quidem  potest,  ut  quae- 
dam  librariis  in  codicibus  describendis  minus  recte  excide- 
rint ;  quod  considerate  iudicandum  est,  nee  facile  admitten- 
dum,  nisi  quibus  locis  rite  sit  demonstratum :  fieri  etiam 
potest,  ut  germana  alicuius  loci  sententia  permaneat 
anceps ;  cui  enodandae  multum  afferent  optimae  interpre- 
tandi  regulae :  at  nefas  omnino  fuerit,  aut  inspirationem  ad 
aliquas  tantum  sacrae  Scripturae  partes  coangustare,  aut 
concedere  sacrum  ipsum  errasse  auctorem.  Nee  enim  tole- 
randa  est  eorum  ratio,  qui  ex  istis  diffictiltatibus  sese 
expediunt,  id  nimirum  dare  non  dubitantes,  inspirationem 
divinam  ad  res  fidei  morumque,  nihil  praeterea,  pertinere, 
eo  quod  falso  arbitrentur,  de  veritate  sententiarum  quum 
agitur,  non  adeo  exquirendum  quaenam  dixerit  Deus,  ut 
non  magis  perpendatur  quam  ob  causam  ea  dixerit.  Et- 
enim  libri  omnes  at  que  integri,  quos  Ecclesia  tamquam  sa- 
cros  et  canonicos  recipit,  cum  omnibus  suis  partihus,  Spiritu 
Sancto  dictante,  conscripti  sunt;  tantum  vero  abest  ut 


APPENDIX  II  213 

divinae  inspirationi  error  ullus  subesse  possit,  ut  ea  per  se 
ipsa,  non  modo  errorem  excludat  omnem,  sed  tarn  neces- 
sario  excludat  et  respuat,  quam  necessarium  est,  Deiim, 
summam  Veritatem,  nullius  omnino  erroris  auctorem 
esse. 

31. — Haec  est  antiqua  et  constans  fides  Ecclesiae, 
sollemni  etiam  sententia  in  Conciliis  definita  Florentino  et 
Tridentino ;  confirmata  denique  atque  expressius  declarata 
in  Concilio  Vaticano,  a  quo  absolute  edictum:  Veteris  et 
novi  Testamenti  lihri  integri  cum  omnibus  suis  partibus, 
prout  in  eiusdem  Concilii  (Tridentini)  decreto  recensentur, 
et  in  veteri  vidgata  latina  editio?ie  habentur,  pro  sacris  et 
canonicis  suscipiendi  sunt.  Eos  vero  Ecclesia  pro  sacris 
et  canonicis  habetj  no7i  ideo  quod  sola  humana  industria 
concinnati,  sua  deinde  auctoritate  sint  approbati;  nee  ideo 
dumtaxat,  quod  r-evelationem  sine  errore  contineant;  sed 
propter  ea  quod  Spirit  it  Sancto  ins  pir  ante  conscripti,  Deum 
habent  auctorem'^.  Quare  nihil  admodum  refert,  Spiritum 
Sanctum  assumpsisse  homines  tamquam  instrumenta  ad 
scribendum,  quasi,  non  quidem  primario  auctori,  sed 
scriptoribus  inspiratis  quidpiam  falsi  elabi  potuerit.  Nam 
supernaturali  ipse  virtute  iia  eos  ad  scribendum  excitavit 
et  movit,  ita  scribentibus  adstitit,  ut  ea  omnia  eaque  sola 
quae  ipse  iuberet,  et  rede  mente  conciperent,  et  fideliter 
conscribere  vellent,  et  apte  infallibili  veritate  exprimerent: 
secus,  non  ipse  esset  auctor  sacrae  Scripturae  universae. 
Hoc  ratum  semper  habuere  Ss.  Patres:  "Itaque,  ait  Augu- 
stinus,  quum  illi  scripserunt  quae  ille  ostendit  et  dixit, 
nequaquam  dicendum  est,  quod  ipse  non  scripserit:  quan- 
doquidem  membra  eius  id  operata  sunt,  quod  dictante 


*  Sess.  Ill,  c.  n,  De  revel. 


214    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

capite  cognoverunt" ;!  pronunciatque  S.  Gregorius  M.: 
"Quis  haec  scripserit,  valde  stipervacanee  quaeritur,  qutmi 
tamen  auctor  libri  Spiritus  Sanctus  fideliter  credatur. 
Ipse  igitur  haec  scripsit,  qui  scribenda  dicta vit:  ipse  scrip- 
sit  qui  et  in  illius  opere  inspirator  extitit".^  Consequitur, 
ut  qui  in  locis  authenticis  Librorum  sacrorum  quidpiam 
falsi  contineri  posse  existiment,  ii  profecto  aut  catholicam 
divinae  inspirationis  notionem  pervertant,  aut  Deum  ip- 
sum  erroris  faciant  auctorem.  Atque  adeo  Patribus 
omnibus  et  Doctoribus  persuasissimum  fuit,  divinas  Lit- 
teras,  quales  ab  hagiographis  editae  sunt,  ab  omni  omnino 
errore  esse  immunes,  ut  proptera  non  pauca  ilia,  quae 
contrarii  aliquid  vel  dissimile  viderentur  afferre  (eademque 
fere  sunt  quae  nomine  novae  scientiae  nunc  obiiciunt),  non 
subtiliter  minus  quam  religiose  componere  inter  se  et 
conciliare  studuerint;  professi  unanimes,  Libros  eos  et 
integros  et  per  partes  a  divino  aeque  esse  afflatu,  Deumque 
ipsum  per  sacros  auctores  elocutum  nihil  admodum  a 
veritate  alienum  ponere  potuisse.  Ea  valeant  universe 
quae  idem  Augustinus  ad  Hieronymum  scripsit:  "Ego 
enim  fateor  caritati  tuae,  solis  eis  Scripturarum  libris  qui 
iam  canonici  appellantur,  didici  hunc  timorem  honoremque 
deferre,  ut  nullum  eorum  auctorum  scribendo  aliquid 
errasse  firmissime  credam.  Ac  si  aliquid  in  eis  offendero 
litteris  quod  videatur  contrarium  veritati,  nihil  aliud 
quam  vel  mendosimi  esse  codicem,  vel  interpretem  non 
assecutum  esse  quod  dictum  est,  vel  me  minima  intellexisse 
non  ambigam".^ 


^  De  consensu  Evangel.  1.  I,  c.  xxxv. 

'  PraeJ.  in  lob,  n.  2. 

•  Ep.  Lxxxii,  1  et  crebrius  alibi. 


APPENDIX  II  215 

32. — ^At  vero  omni  gravionim  artium  instnimento  pro 
sanctitate  Bibliorum  plene  perfecteque  contendere,  multo 
id  mains  est,  quam  ut  a  sola  interpretum  et  theologorum 
sollertia  aequnm  sit  expectari.  Eodem  optandum  est 
conspirent  et  connitantur  illi  etiam  ex  catholicis  viris,  qui 
ab  externis  doctrinis  aliquam  sint  nominis  auctoritatem 
adepti.  Horum  sane  ingeniorum  ornatus,  si  nunquam  an- 
tea,  ne  nunc  quidem,  Dei  beneficio,  Ecclesiae  deest; 
atque  utinam  eo  amplius  in  fidei  subsidium  augescat. 
Nihil  enim  magis  oportere  ducimus,  quam  ut  plures  vali- 
dioresque  nanciscatur  Veritas  propugnatores,  quam  sentiat 
adversarios ;  neque  res  uUa  est  quae  magis  persuadere  vulgo 
possit  obsequium  veritatis,  quam  si  eam  liberrime  profi- 
teantur  qui  in  laudata  aliqua  praestent  facultate,  Quin 
facile  etiam  cessura  est  obtrectatorum  in vidia,  aut  certe  non 
ita  petulanter  iam  traducere  illi  audebunt  inimicam  scien- 
tiae,  fidem,  quum  viderint  a  viris  scientiae  laude  nobilibus 
summum  fidei  honorem  reverentiamque  adhiberi. — Quo- 
niam  igitur  tantum  ii  possunt  religioni  importare  commodi, 
quibus  cum  catholicae  professionis  gratia  felicem  indolem 
ingenii  benignum  Numen  impertiit,  ideo  in  hac  acerrima 
agitatione  studiorum  quae  Scripturas  quoquo  mode  attin- 
gunt,  aptum  sibi  quisque  eligant  studii  genus,  in  quo  ali- 
quando  excellentes,  obiecta  in  illas  improbae  scientiae  tela, 
non  sine  gloria,  repellant. — Quo  loco  gratum  est  illud 
pro  merito  comprobare  nonnullorum  catholicorum  con- 
silium, qui  ut  viris  doctioribus  suppetere  possit  unde  huius- 
modi  studia  omni  adiimientorum  copia  pertractent  et 
provehant,  coactis  societatibus,  largiter  pecunias  solent 
conferre.  Optima  sane  et  peropportuna  temporibus 
pecuniae  collocandae  ratio.     Quo  enim  catholicis  minus 


216    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

praesidii  in  sua  studia  sperare  licet  publice,  eo  promptiorem 
effusioremque  patere  decet  privatortim  liberalitatem ;  ut 
quibus  a  Deo  aucti  sunt  divitiis,  eas  ad  tutandum  revelatae 
ipsius  doctrinae  thesaurum  velint  convertere, 

33. — Tales  autem  labores  ut  ad  rem  biblicam  vere  pro- 
ficiant,  insistant  eruditi  in  iis  tamquam  principiis,  quae 
supra  a  Nobis  praefinita  sunt;  fideliterque  teneant,  Deum, 
conditorem  rectoremque  rerum  omniiun,  eumdem  esse 
Scrip turarum  auctorem:  nihil  propterea  ex  rerum  natura, 
nihil  ex  historiae  monumentis  colligi  posse  quod  cum  Scrip- 
turis  revera  pugnet.  Si  quid  ergo  tale  videatur,  id  sedulo 
submovendum,  turn  adhibito  prudenti  theologorum  et  in- 
terpretum  iudicio,  quidnam  verius  verisimiliusve  habeat 
Scripturae  locus,  de  quo  disceptetur/  turn  diligentius  ex- 
pensa  argnmentorum  vi,  quae  contra  adducantur.  Neque 
ideo  cessandtmi,  si  qua  in  contrarium  species  etiam  turn 
resideat;  nam,  quoniam  verum  vero  adversari  haudqua- 
quam  potest,  certum  sit  aut  in  sacrorum  interpretationem 
verborum  aut  in  alteram  disputationis  partem  errorem  in- 
currisse;  neutrum  vero  si  necdum  satis  appareat,  cunctan- 
dum  interea  de  sententia.  Permulta  enim  ex  omni  doc- 
trinarum  genere  sunt  diu  multumque  contra  Scripturam 
iactata,  quae  nunc,  utpote  inania,  penitus  obsolevere: 
item  non  pauca  de  quibusdam  Scripturae  locis  (non 
proprie  ad  fidei  monmique  pertinentibus  regulam) 
sunt  quondam  interpretando  proposita,  in  quibus  rec- 
tius  postea  vidit  acrior  quaedam  investigatio.  Nempe 
opinionum  commenta  delet  dies;  sed  'Veritas  manet 
et  invalescit  in  aetemum".!  Quare,  sicut  nemo  sibi  arro- 
gaverit  ut  omnem  recte  intelligat  Scripturam,  in  qua  se 

» in  Esdr.iv,  38, 


APPENDIX  II  217 

ipse  plura  nescire  quam  scire  fassus  est  Augustinusi,  ita, 
si  quid  incident  difficilius  quam  explicari  possit,  quisque 
earn  sumet  cautionem  tempera tionemque  eiusdem  Doc- 
toris:  "Melius  est  vel  premi  incognitis  sed  utilibus  signis, 
quam  inutiliter  ea  interpretando,  a  iugo  servitutis  eductam 
cervicemlaqueiserrorisinserere".2 — Consilia  et  iussa  No- 
stra si  probe  verecundeque  erunt  secuti  qui  subsidiaria 
haec  studia  profitentur,  si  et  scribendo  et  docendo  stu- 
diorum  fructus  dirigant  adhostes  veritatis  redarguendos, 
ad  fidei  damna  in  iuventute  praecavenda,  tum  demum  lae- 
tari  poterunt  digna  se  opera  sacris  Litteris  inservire, 
eamque  rei  catholicae  opem  afferre,  qualem  de  filiorum 
pietate  et  doctrinis  iure  sibi  Ecclesia  pollicetur. 

34. — Haec  sunt,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  quae  de  studiis 
Scripturae  sacrae  pro  opportunitate  monenda  et  praeci- 
pienda,  aspirante  Deo,  censuimus.  lam  sit  vestrum  cu- 
rare, ut  qua  par  est  religione  custodiantur  et  observentur: 
sic  ut  debita  Deo  gratia,  de  communicatis  himiano  generi 
eloquiis  sapientiae  suae,  testatius  eniteat,  optataeque 
utilitates  redundcnt,  maxime  ad  sacrae  iuventutis  insti- 
tutionem,  quae  tanta  est  cura  Nostra  et  spes  Ecclesiae. 
Auctoritatc  nimirum  et  hortatione  date  alacres  operam, 
ut  in  Seminarlis,  atque  in  Academiis  quae  parent  ditioni 
vestrae,  haec  studia  iusto  in  honore  consistant  vigeantque. 
Integre  feliciterquc  vigeant  moderatrice  Ecclesia,  secun- 
dum saluberrima  documenta  et  excmpla  Ss.  Patrum  lau- 
datamque  maiorum  consuetudinem :  atque  talia  ex  tem- 
porum  cursu  incrementa  accipiant  quae  vere  sint  in  praesi- 


^  Ad  lanuar.  Ep.  LV,  21. 
«  De  doctr.  chr.  in,  9,  18. 


218    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

dium  et  gloriam  catholicae  veritatis,  natae  divinitus  ad 
perennem  populorum  salutem. 

35. — Omnes  denique  alumnos  et  administros  Ecclesiae 
paterna  caritate  admonemus,  ut  ad  sacras  Litteras  adeant 
summo  semper  affectu  reverentiae  et  pietatis:  nequaquam 
enim  ipsamm  intelligentia  salutariter  ut  opus  est  patere 
potest,  nisi  remota  scientiae  terrenae  arrogantia,  studioque 
sancte  excitato  eius  quae  desursum  est  sapientiae.  Cuius  in 
disciplinam  semel  admissa  mens,  atque  inde  illustrataet 
roborata,  mire  valebit  ut  etiam  humanae  scientiae  quae 
sunt  fraudes  dignoscat  et  vitet,  qui  sunt  solidi  fructus  per- 
cipiat  et  ad  aetema  referat:  inde  potissime  exardescens 
animus,  ad  emolumenta  virtutis  et  divini  amoris  spiritu 
vehementiore  contendet:  Beati  qui  scrutantur  testimonia 
eius,  in  toto  corde  exquirunt  eum^. 

lam  divini  auxilii  spe  freti  et  pastorali  studio  vestro 
confisi,  Apostolicam  benedictionem,  caelestium  munerum 
auspicem  Nostraeque  singularis  benevolentiae  testem, 
vobis  omnibus,  universoque  Clero  et  populo  singulis 
concredito,  peramanter  in  Domino  impertimus. 

Datum  Romae  apud  S.  Petrum  die  XVIII  novembris 
anno  MDCCCXCIII,  Pontificatus  Nostri  sextodecimo. 
Leo  P.P.  XIIL2 


>  Ps.  XVIII,  2. 

2  An  English  translation  of  this  important  document  may  be  found 
in  Seisenberger's  Practical  Handbook  for  the  Study  of  the  Bible,  New 
York,  1911,  pp.  159-179. 


APPENDIX  III  219 

III 

THE  ENCYCLICAL  "SPIRITUS  PARACLITUS"  OP 
BENEDICT  XV  (Sept.  15,  1920) 

VENERABILES  FRATRES 
SALUTEM  ET  APOSTOLICAM  BENEDICTIONEM 
Spiritus  Paraclitus,  cum  genus  humanum,  ut  arcanis 
divinitatis  imbueret,  sacris  Litteris  locupletasset,  sanctis- 
simos  doctissimosque  viros,  labentibus  saeculis,  non 
paucos  providentissime  excitavit,  qui  non  modo  caelestem 
iljum  thesaurum  iacere  sine  fructul  non  sinerent,  sed  suis 
et  studiis  et  laboribus  consolationem  inde  Scripturarem 
Christifidelibus  uberrimam  compararent.  Hos  inter,  prin- 
cipem  sane,  communi  omnium  consensu,  locum  obtinet 
Sanctus  Hieronymus,  quem  Doctorem  Maximimi  sacris 
Scripturis  explanandis  divinitus  sibi  datum  catholica 
agnoscit  et  veneratur  Ecclesia.  lamvero,  cum  ab  eius 
obitu  plenum  proxime  quintum  et  decimum  saeculum  com- 
memoraturi  simus,  nolumus,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  singu- 
larem  opportunitatem  praetermittere,  quin  de  Hieronymi 
in  scientia  Scripturarum  laudibus  ac  promeritis  vos  data 
opera  alloquamur.  Conscienti^  enim  apostolici  muneris 
impellimur,  ut,  ad  nobilissimam  banc  disciplinam  prove- 
hendam,  insigne  tanti  viri  exemplum  ad  imitandum 
proponamus,  et  quae  fel.  rec.  decessores  Nostri  Leo  XIII 
et  Pius  X  monita  et  praescripta  hoc  in  genere  utilissima 
ediderunt,  eadem,  apostolica  Nostra  auctoritate,  con- 
firmemus  et  ad  haec  Ecclesiae  tempora  pressius  aptemus. 
Etenim  Hiercnymus, ' ' vir  maxime  cathclicus  et  sacrae  legis 
peritissimus"2  atque  "catholicortim  magister"^  itemque 

1  Cone.  Trid.  s.  V.,  deer,  de  reform,  c.  1. 

2  Sulp.  Sev.,  Dial.  1,  7.         3  Cass.,  De  ine.  7,  26. 


220    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

"morum  exemplar  mundique  magister",!  cum  catholicam 
de  sacris  Libris  doctrinam  mirifice  illustrant  acriterque 
defenderit,  documenta  sane  plurima,  eaque  gravissima, 
Nobis  affert,  quae  quidem  usurpando,  filios  Ecclesiae 
uni versos,  clericos  potissimum,  ad  Scrip turae  divinae 
reverentiam,  cum  pi  a  lectione  assiduaque  commentatione 
coniunctam,  hortemur. 

De  Vita  Si.  Hieronymi 

Nostis,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  Hieronymum  Stridone 
natum,  in  oppido  "Dalmatiae  quondam  Pannoniaeque  con- 
finio",2  et  ab  ipsis  incunabulis  catholico  lacte  nutritum^, 
postquam  Christi  vestem  in  hac  alma  Urbe  de  sacro 
fonte  suscepit^,  quoad  longissime  vixit,  quicquid  habuit 
virium,  id  in  sacris  Bibliis  perscrutandis,  exponendis 
vindicandisque  adhibuisse.  Is  latinis  graecisque  litteris 
Romae  eruditus,  vixdum  e  rhetorum  schola  egressus  erat 
cum,  adhuc  adulescens,  Abdiam  prophetam  interpretari 
conatus  est:  qua  ex  "puerilis  ingenii"  exercitatione^  ita 
in  eo  crevit  Scrip  turarum  amor,  ut,  veluti  invento  thesauro 
secundima  evangelicam  imaginem,  "omnia  istius  mundi 
emolimienta"^  pro  eo  contemnenda  sibi  esse  duxerit. 
Quamobrem,  nulla  deterritus  asperitate  consilii,  cum 
domum,  parentes,  sororem,  propinquos  dereliquit,  tum  a 
consuetudine  lautioris  cibi  recessit,  et  in  sacras  Orientis 
regiones  transmigravit,  ut  divitias  Christi  et  Salvatoris 
scientiam  in  lectione  et  studio  Bibliorum  sibi  pararet  am- 
pliores  J  Qua  in  re  quantum  desudaverit,  haud  semel  ipse 
describit:  ''Miro  discendi  ferebar  ardore,  ncc  iuxta  quo- 

1  S.  Prosper,  Carmen  de  ingratis  v.  57. 

2  De  viris  ill.  135.         sEp.  82,2,  2.  ■*  ib.  15,  1,  1;  16,  2,  1, 
5  In  Abd.,  Praef.           6  in  Mt.  13,  44.       '  Ep.  22,  30,  1, 


APPENDIX  III  221 

rumdam  praesumptionem  ipse  me  docui.  Apollinarium 
Laodicenum  audivi  Antiochiae  frequenter  et  colui,  et  cum 
me  in  Sanctis  Scrip turis  erudiret,  nunquam  illius  con- 
tentiosum  super  sensu  dogma  suscepi . "  i  Inde  in  regionem 
Chalcidis  desertam  Syriae  orientalis  regressus,  ut  verbi 
divini  sensum  perfectius  assequeretur,  simulque  ut  aetatis 
aestum  studiorum  assiduitate  coerceret,  cuidam  fratri,  qui 
ex  Hebraeis  crediderat,  in  disciplinam  se  tradidit,  ut 
hebraicum  et  chaldaicum  quoquc  sermonem  edisceret. 
"Quid  ibi  laboris  insumpserim,  quid  sustinuerim  difficul- 
tatis,  quoties  desperaverim  quotiesque  cessaverim  et 
contentione  discendi  rursus  inceperim,  testis  est  conscientia 
tam  mea,  qui  passis  sum,  quam  eorum  qui  mecum  duxerunt 
vitam.  Et  gratias  ago  Domino,  quod  de  amaro  semine 
litterarum  dulces  fructus  capio."2  Cum  autem  ab 
haereticorum  turbis  ne  in  ea  quidem  solitudine  quiescere 
sibi  liceret,  Constantinopolim  se  contulit,  ubi  Sanctum 
Gregorium  Theologum  illius  Sedis  Antistitem,  qui  summa 
doctrinae  laude  ac  gloria  floreret,  ad  sacrarum  Litterarum 
interpretationem,  fere  triennium,  ducem  ac  magistrum  ad- 
hibuit ;  quo  tempore  Origenis  in  prophet  as  Homilias  et  Eu- 
sebii  Chronicon  latine  reddidit,  et  Isaiae  de  Seraphim 
visionem  edisseruit.  Roman  autem  ob  rei  christianae 
necessitates  cum  revertisset,  a  Damaso  Pontifice  famil- 
iariter  exceptus,  et  in  gerendis  Ecclesiae  negotiis  est  ad- 
hibitus^.  Quibus  etsi  stimmopere  distinebatur,  nullo  tamen 
pacto  cum  di vinos  pervolutare  Libros^  codicesque  ex- 
scribere  et  inter  se  comparare^,  tum  quaestiones  sibi  pro- 
positas  dirimere  et  discipulos  ex  utroque  sexu  ad  Bibliorum 

lEp.  84,  3,  1.         2  lb.  125,  12. 

8  lb.  123,  9  al.  10;  127,  7,  1.  -*  lb.  127,  7,  1  sq. 

5  1b.  36.  1:32,1. 


222     A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

cognitionem  informare  desiit^;  laboriosissimam  vero  pro- 
vinciam  sibi  a  Pontifice  mandatam  latinae  Novi 
Testamenti  versionis  emendandae,  tarn  acri  subtilique 
iudicio  est  exsecutus,  ut  recentiores  ipsi  huius  disciplinae 
existimatores  Hieronymianum  opus  cotidie  magis  ad- 
mirentur  plurisque  faciant.  Sed,  quoniam  ad  sancta 
Palaestinae  loca  omni  cogitatione  desiderioque  ferebatur, 
Damaso  vita  functo,  Hieron^^mus  Bethlehem  concessit, 
ubi,  coenobio  apud  Christi  cunabula  condito,  totum  Deo 
se  devovit  et,  quantum  ab  orando  superesset  temporis,  id 
omne  in  Bibliis  ediscendis  docendisque  insumpsit.  Nam, 
ut  iterum  de  se  ipse  testatur,  "iam  canis  spargebatur 
caput,  et  magistrum  potiusquam  discipulum  decebat ;  per- 
rexi  tamen  Alexandriam,  audivi  Didymum.  In  multis  ei 
gratias  ago.  Quod  nescivi,  didici;  quod  sciebam,  illo 
diversum  docente  non  perdidi.  Putabant  me  homines 
finem  fecisse  discendi;  rursum  lerosolymae  et  Bethlehem 
quo  labore,  quo  pretio  Baraninam  nocturnum  habui  prae- 
ceptorem!  Timebat  enim  ludaeos  et  mihi  alterum  exhibe- 
bat  Nicodemum"2.  Neque  vero  in  horum  aliorumque  doc- 
torum  institutione  praeceptisque  acquievit,  sed  praeterea 
subsidia  omne  genus  adhibuit  ad  proficiendum  utilia; 
praeterquam  enim  quod  inde  ab  initio  codices  commen- 
tariosque  Bibliorum  optimos  sibi  comparaverat,  libros 
quoque  synagogarum  et  volumina  bibliothecae  Caesareen- 
sis  ab  Origene  et  Eusebio  collectae  evolvit,  ut,  compara- 
tione  eorum  codicum  cum  suis  instituta,  germanam  textus 
biblici  formam  verumque  sensum^  erueret.  Quem  ut  plenius 
assequeretur,  Palaestinam,  qua  late  patet,  peragravit,  cum 
id  sibi  haberet  persuasissimum  quod  ad  Domnionem  et 

lib.  45,  2;  126,3;  127,7.  2  Ep.  84,  3,  1  sq. 


APPENDIX  III  223 

Rogatianum  scribebat:  -'Sanctam  Scripturam  lucidius 
intuebitur,  qui  ludaeam  oculis  contemplatus  est  et  an- 
tiquarum  urbium  memorias  locorumque  vel  eadem  voca- 
bula  vel  mutata  cognoverit.  Unde  et  nobis  curae  fuit, 
cum  eruditissimis  Hebraeorum  hunc  laborem  subire,  ut 
circumiremus  provinciam  quam  universae  Christi  ec- 
clesiae  sonant. "^  Hieronymus  igitur  suavissimo  illo 
pabulo  animum  continenter  pascere,  Pauli  Epistulas 
explanare,  Veteris  Testamenti  latinos  codices  e  grae- 
corum  lectione  emendare  librosque  fere  omnes  ex  hebraica 
verittate  denuo  in  latinum  sermonem  convertere,  sacras 
Litteras  coeuntibus  fratribus  cotidie  edisserere,  ad  epis- 
tulas rescribere  quae  undique  quaestiones  de  Scriptura 
dirimendas  afferrent,  unitatis  ac  doctrinae  catholicae  op- 
pugnatores  acriter  refellere;  neque — tan  turn  apud  eum 
potuit  Bibliorum  amor — a  scribendo  vel  dictando  ante 
desistere,  quam  manus  obriguerint  et  vox  morte  inter- 
cepta  sit.  Ita,  nullis  parcens  nee  laboribus  nee  vigiliis 
nee  sumptibus,  ad  summam  usque  senectutem,  in  lege 
Domini  noctu  diuque  apud  Praesepe  meditanda  per- 
severavit,  maioribus  e  soli tu dine  ilia  effusis  in  catholicimi 
nomen,  per  vitae  exempla  et  scripta,  utilitatibas,  quam  si 
Romae,  in  capite  orbis  terrarum,  aevum  exegisset. 

DE  INSPIRATIONE  SACRAE  SCRIPTURAE. 
1. — De  Doctrina  Inspirationis. 

Vita  rebusque  gestis  Hieronymi  vix  delibatis,  iam,  Vene- 
rabiles  Fratres,  ad  considerandam  eius  doctrinam  de 
divina  dignitate  at  que  absoluta  Scrip  tur  arum  veritate 
veniamus.     Qua  in  re  nullam  profecto  in  scriptis  Doctoris 

1  Ad  Domnionem  et  Rogatianum  in  1  Paral.,  Praef . 


224    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Maximi  paginam  reperias,  unde  non  liqueat,  eum  cum 
universa  catholica  Ecclesia  firmiter  constanterque  tenuisse, 
Libros  sacros,  Spiritu  Sancto  inspirante  conscriptos,  Deum 
habere  auctorem,  atque  ut  tales  ipsi  Ecclesiae  traditos 
essei.  Asseverat  nimirum  codicis  sacri  libros  Spiritu 
Sancto  inspirante  vel  suggerente  vel  insinuante  vel  etiam 
dictante  compositos  esse,  immo  ab  Ipso  conscriptos  et 
editos;  sed  nihil  praeterea  dubitat,  quin  singuli  eorum 
auctores,  pro  sua  quisque  natura  atque  ingenio,  operam 
afflanti  Deo  libere  navarint.  Etenim  non  modo  id  uni- 
verse affirmat  quod  omnibus  sacris  scriptoribus  commune 
est,  ipsos  in  scribendo  Dei  Spiritum  secutos,  ut  omnis 
sensus  omniumque  sententiarum  Scripturae  Deus  causa 
princeps  habendus  sit;  sed  etiam  quod  uniuscuiusque 
proprium  est,  accurate  dispicit.  Nam  singillatim,  in 
rerum  compositione,  in  lingua,  in  ipso  genere  ac  forma 
loquendi  ita  eos  suis  quemque  facultatibus  ac  viribus  usos 
esse  ostendit,  ut  propriam  uniuscuiusque  indolem  et  veluti 
singulares  notas  ac  lineamenta,  praesertim  prophetarum 
et  apostoli  Pauli,  inde  colligat  ac  describat.  Quam 
quidem  Dei  cum  homine  communitatem  laboris  ad  unum 
idemque  opus  conficiendum,  Hieronymus  comparatione 
illustrat  artificis,  qui  in  aliqua  re  factitanda  organo  seu 
instrumento  utitur ;  quicquid  enim  scriptores  sacri  loquun- 
tur,  "Domini  sunt  verba,  et  non  sua,  et  quod  per  os  ip- 
sorum  dicit,  quasi  per  organum  Dominus  est  locutus"^. 
Quod  si  etiam  inquirimus,  qua  ratione  haec  Dei,  uti  causae 
principis,  virtus  atque  actio  in  hagiographum  sit  intelle- 
gendam  cernere  licet,  inter  Hieronymi  verba  et  com- 
munem    de    inspiratione    catholicam    doctrinam    nihil 

1  Cone.  Vat.  s.  III.,  const,  de  fide  cath,  cap.  2. 

2  Tract,  de  Ps.  88. 


APPENDIX  III  225 

omnino  interesse,  cum  ipse  teneat,  Deum,  gratia  conlata, 
scriptoris  menti  lumen  praeferre  ad  verum  quod  attinet, 
*'ex  persona  Dei"  hominibus  proponendum;  voluntatem 
praeterea  mover e  atque  ad  scrihendum  impellere  ipsi  denique 
peculiariter  continenterque  adesse  donee  librum  perficiat. 
Quo  potissimium  ex  capite  sanctissimus  vir  summam 
Scrip turarum  praestantiam  ad  dignitatem  infert,  quarum 
scientiam  thesauro  pretiosoi  et  nobili  margaritae2  aequi- 
parat,  in  iisque  asserit  divitias  Christi^  et  "argentum  quo 
domus  Dei  ornatur"*  inveniri. 

Praecellentissimam  veto  earum  auctoritatem  sic  verbis 
et  exemplo  commendabat,  ut,  quaecumque  oriebatur  con- 
troversia,  ad  Biblia  veluti  ad  confertissimimi  arma- 
mentarium confugeret,  et  testimoniis  inde  eductis,  tam- 
quam  firmissimis  argumentis,  quibus  refragari  minime 
liceret,  ad  coarguendos  adversariorum  err  ores  uteretur. 
Ita  Helvidio  perpetuam  Deiparae  vir^initatem  neganti, 
aperte  ac  simpliciter:  "Ut  haec  quae  scripta  sunt,  non 
negamus,  ita  ea  quae  non  sunt  scripta,  renuimus.  Natum 
Deimi  esse  de  Virgine  credimus,  quia  legimus.  Mariam 
nupsisse  post  partum,  non  credimus,  quia  non  legimus. "^ 
lisdem  vero  armis  contra  lovinianimi  pro  doctrina 
catholica  de  statu  virginali,  de  perseverantia,  de  abstin- 
entia  deque  bonorum  operum  merito  se  spondet  acerrime 
propugnaturum :  "Adversus  singulas  propositiones  eius, 
Scrip  turarum  vel  maxime  nitar  testimoniis,  ne  querulus 
garriat,  se  eloquentia  magis  quam  veritate  superatum."^ 
Atque  in  Hbris  suis  contra  eundem  haereticum  defend endis 

1  In  Mt  13,  44;  tract,  de  Ps.  77.  2 1^  Mt  13,  45  sqq. 

3  Quaest.  in  Gen.,  Praef. 

4  In  Agg.  2,  1  sqq. ;  cf.  in  Gal.  2,  10  etc. 

6  Adv.  Helv.  19.  sAdv.  lovin.  1.  4. 


226     A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

"quasi  vero,"  scribit,  "rogandus  fuerit  ut  mihi  cederet, 
ct  non  in  Vitus  et  repugnans  inveritatisvincula  ducendus"! 
De  uni versa  autem  Scrip tura,  in  leremiae  commentario, 
quern  morte  prohibitus  est  absolvere:  "Nee  parentum  nee 
maiorum  error  sequendus  est,  sed  auctoritas  Scrip turarum 
et  Dei  docentis  imperium."2  Et  viam  rationemque  ad- 
versus  hostes  dimicandi  sic  Fabiolam  docet:  "Cum  divinis 
Scripturis  fueris  eruditus  et  leges  earum  ac  testimonia 
vincula  scieris  veritatis,  contendes  cum  adversariis, 
ligabis  eos  et  vinctos  duces  in  captivitatem  et  de  hostibus 
quondam  at  que  captivis  liberos  Dei  facies."^ 
•  Porro  cum  divina  sacronun  Librorum  inspiratione  sum- 
maque  eorundem  auctoritate  docet  Hieronymus  im- 
munitatem  et  omni  ab  errore  et  fallacia  vacuitatem  neces- 
sario  cohaerere:  quod,  uti  a  Patrivus  traditum  communi- 
terque  receptum,  in  celeberrimis  Occidentis  Orientisque 
scholis  didicerat.  Et  sane,  cimi,  post  inceptam,  Damasi 
Pontificis  mandato,  Novi  Testamenti  recognitionem, 
quidam  "homunculi"  ipsum  studiose  obiurgarent  quod 
"ad versus  auctoritatem  veterum  et  totius  mundi  opinion- 
em  aliqua  in  Evangeliis  emendare"  tentasset,  paucis 
respondit,  non  adeo  se  hebetis  fuisse  cordis  et  tarn  crassae 
rusticitatis,  ut  aliquid  de  Dominicis  verbis  aut  corri- 
gendum putasset  aut  non  divinitus  inspiratimi.4  Primam 
vero  Ezechielis  visionem  de  quattuor  Evangeliis  exponens 
"totum  autem  corpus,"  animadvertit,  "et  dorsa  plena 
oculis  adprobabit,  qui  viderit  nihil  esse  in  Evangeliis 
quod  non  luceat  et  splendore  suo  mundum  illuminet :  ut 
etiam  quae  parva  putantur  et  vilia,  Spiritus  Santi  fulgeant 


1  Ep.  49,  al.  48,  14,  1.  2  in  ler.  9,  12  sqq. 

»Ep.  78,  30,  al.  28,  mansio.       *  Ep.  27,  1,  1  sq. 


APPENDIX  III  227 

maiestate"^.  lam  quae  de  Evangeliis  inibi  affirmat,  eadem 
de  omnibus  aliis  "Dominicis  verbis"  in  singulis  com- 
mentariis  profitetur,  ut  catholicae  interpretationis  legem 
ac  fundamentum;  et  hac  ipsa  veritatis  nota  germanus 
propheta,  Hieronymo  auctore,  a  falso  intemoscitur^. 
Nam  "Domini  verba  sunt  vera,  et  eius  dixisse,  fecisse 
est"3.  Itaque  "Scriptura  mentiri  non  potest"^,  et  nefas 
est  dicere  Scripturam  mentiri^,  immo  solimi  errorem 
nominis  in  eius  verbis  admittere^.  Addit  praeterea 
Sanctus  Doctor,  se  "aliter  habere  Apostolos,  aliter  reliquos 
tractatores"  idest  profanos:  "illos  semper  vera  dicere, 
istos  in  quibusdam,  ut  homines,  aberrare""^;  et  licet  multa 
in  Scripturis  dicantur,  quae  videntur  incredibilia,  tamen 
vera  esse^;  in  hoc  "verbo  veritatis"  nullas  res  sententiasque 
inter  se  pugnantes  inveniri  posse,  "nihil  dissonum,  nihil 
diversum"^;  quare  "cum  videatur  Scriptura  inter  se  esse 
contraria,  utrumque  verum"  esse,  "cum  diverstun  sit"^^. 
Cui  cum  fortiter  principio  adhaeresceret,  si  qua  in  sacris 
libris  inter  se  discrepare  viderentur,  eo  curas  omnes 
cogitationesque  Hieronymus  convertere,  ut  quaestionem 
enodaret ;  quodsi  rem  nondum  apte  diremptam  putaret,  de 
eadem,  data  occasione,  iterato  libenterque  inquirere,  haud 
ita  felici  interdum  exitu.  Script  ores  tamen  sacros  nun- 
quam  de  fallacia  arguit  vel  levissima — "hoc  quippe  im- 
piorum  est,  Celsi,  Porphyrii,  Iuliani"ii. — In  quoquidem 
cum  Augustino  plane  consentit,  qui,  ad  ipsum  Hierony- 

1  In  Ez.  1,  15  sqq.  2  i^  Mich.  2,  11  sq.;  3,  5,  sqq. 

.     5  lb.  4,  1  sqq.  ^  In  ler.  31,  35  sqq. 

sinNah.  1,  9.  6Ep.  57,  7,  4. 

7  lb.  82,  7,  2.  8  lb.  72,  2,  2. 

9  Ep.  18,  7,  4;  cf.  ib.  46,  6,  2.  lo  lb.  36,  11,  2. 
"  Ib.  57,  9,  1. 


228    A  HANDBOOK  OP  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

mum  scribens,  se  solis  libris  sacris  hunc  timorem  honor- 
emque  ait  deferre,  ut  nullum  eorum  auctorem  scribendo 
errasse  aliquid,  firmissime  credat,  ideoque,  si  quid  in  eis 
offendat  litteris,  quod  videatur  contrarium  veritati,  non 
id  opinari,  sed  vel  mendostmi  esse  codicem  vel  inter- 
pretem  errasse  vel  seipsum  minime  intellexisse ;  quibus 
haec  subiicit:  "Nee  te,  mi  frater,  sentire  aliud  existimo: 
prorsus,  inquam,  non  te  arbitror  sic  legi  tuos  libros  velle 
tamquam  Prophetarum  et  Apostolorum,  de  quorum 
scrip tis  quod  omni  errore  careant,  dubitare  nefarium  est."i 
Hac  igitur  Hieronymi  doctrina  egregie  confirmantur  atque 
illustrantur  ea  quibus  fel.  rec.  decessor  Noster  Leo  XIII 
antiquam  et  constantem  Ecclesiae  Mem  sollemniter 
declaravit  de  absoluta  Scripturarum  a  quibusvis  erroribus 
immunitate:  "Tantum  abest  ut  divinae  inspiration!  error 
uUus  subesse  possit,  ut  ea  per  se  ipsa  non  modo  errorem 
excludat  omnem,  sed  tam  necessario  excludat  et  respuat, 
quam  necessarium  est,  Deum,  summam  veritatem  nullius 
omnino  erroris  auctorem  esse."  Atque  allatis  definitioni- 
bus  Conciliorum  Florentini  et  Tridentini  in  synodo  Vaticana 
confirmatisy  haec  praeterea  habet:  "Quare  nihil  admodum 
refert,  Spiritum  Sanctum  assumpsisse  homines  tamquam 
instrumenta  ad  scribendimi,  quasi  non  quidem  primario 
auctori,  sed  scriptoribus  inspiratis  quidpiam  falsi  elabi 
potuerit.  Nam  supernatiu"ali  ipse  virtute  ita  eos  ad 
scribendum  excitavit  et  movit,  ita  scribentibus  adstitit,  ut 
ea  omnia  eaque  sola  quae  ipse  iuberet,  et  recte  mente  con- 
ciperent,  et  fideliter  conscribere  vellent,  et  apte  infallibili 
veritate  exprimerent:  secus  non  ipse  esset  auctor  sacrae 
Scrip  turae  universae."2 

1  S.  Aug.  ad  S.  Hieron.,  inter  epist.  S.  Hier.  116,  3. 
2Litt.  Encycl.  "Providentissimus  Deus." 


APPENDIX  III  229 

2. — ^De  Erroribus  Recentioribus. 

Quae  decessoris  Nostri  verba  quanquam  nulliim  re- 
linquunt  ambigendi  vel  tergiversandi  locum,  dolendum 
tamen  est,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  non  modo  ex  iis  qui  foris 
sunt,  sed  etiam  e  catholicae  Ecclesiae  filiis,  immo  vero, 
quod  animum  Nostrum  vehementius  excruciat,  ex  ipsis 
clericis  sacrarumque  disciplinarum  magistris  non  defuisse 
qui,  iudicio  suo  superbe  subnixi,  Ecclesiae  magisterium  in 
hoc  capite  vel  aperte  reiecerint  vel  occulte  oppugnarint. 
Equidem  illorum  comprobamus  consilium,  qui  ut  semet 
ipsos  aliosque  ex  difficultatibus  sacri  codicis  expediant,  ad 
eas  diluendas,  omnibus  studiorum  et  artis  criticae  freti 
subsidiis,  novas  vias  atque  rationes  inquirunt;  at  misere 
a  proposito  aberrabunt,  si  decessoris  Nostri  praescripta 
neglexerint  et  certos  fines  terminosque  a  Patribus  con- 
stitutos  praeterierint. 

a)  Quibus  sane  praeceptis  et  finibus  nequaquam  re- 
centiorum  illorum  continetur  opinio,  qui,  induct o  inter 
elementum  Scripturae  primarium  sen  religiosiim  et  se- 
cundarium  sen  profanum  discrimine,  inspirationem  quidem 
ipsam  ad  omnes  sententias,  immo  etiam  ad  singula  Bib- 
liorum  verba  pertinere  volunt,  sed  eius  effectus,  atque  in 
primis  err  oris  immunitatem  absolutamque  veritatem,  ad 
elementum  primarium  sen  religiosum  contrahunt  et  coan- 
gustant.  Eorum  enim  sententia  est,  id  unum,  quod  ad  reli- 
gionem  spectet,  a  Deo  in  Scripturis  intendi  ac  doceri;  re- 
liqua  vero,  quae  ad  prof  anas  disciplinas  pertincant  et 
doctrinae  revelatae,  quasi  quaedam  externa  divinae  veritatis, 
vestis,  inserviant,  permitti  tantummodo  et  scrip toris 
imbecillitati  relinqui.  Nihil  igitur  mirum,  si  in  rebus 
physicis  et  historicis   allisque  sirnilibus  satis  mu^t^  in 


230    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Bibliis  occurrant  quae  cum  hmus  aetatis  bonanim  artium 
progressionibus  componi  omnino  non  possint.  Haec 
opinionum  commenta,  sunt  qui  nihil  repugnare  contendant 
decessoris  Nostri  praescriptionibus,  cum  is  hagiographum 
in  naturalibus  rebus  secundum  extemam  speciem,  utique 
fallacem,  loqui  declaraverit.  Id  vero  quam  temere,  quam 
falso  affirmetur,  ex  ipsis  Pontificis  verbis  manifesto  apparet. 
Neque  enim  ab  externa  rerum  specie,  cuius  rationem  esse 
habendam,  Leo  XIII,  praeeuntibus  Augustino  et  Thoma 
Aquinate,  sapientissime  edixit,  ulla  falsi  labes  divinis 
Litteris  aspergitur,  quandoquidem  sensus  in  iis  rebus 
proxime  cognoscendis,  quanmi  sit  propria  ipsorum 
cognitio,  minime  decipi,  dogma  est  sanae  philosophiae. 
Praeterea  decessor  Noster,  quovis  inter  elementum  pri- 
marium  et  secundarium,  uti  vocant,  remoto  discrimine 
omnique  ambiguitate  sublata,  luculenter  ostendit,  longis- 
sime  a  vero  abesse  illorum  opinionem,  qui  arbitrantur  "de 
veritate  sententiarum  cum  agitur,  non  adeo  exquirendum 
quaenam  dixerit  Deus,  ut  non  magis  perpend  a  tur  quam 
ob  causam  ea  dixerit" ;  idemque  docet  divinum  afflatum  ad 
omnes  Bibliorum  partes,  sine  ullo  delectu  ac  discrimine, 
proferri,  nullumque  in  textum  inspiratum  errorem  in- 
cidere  posse :  "At  nefas  omnino  fuerit,  aut  inspirationem  ad 
aliquas  tanttmi  Sacrae  Scrip turae  partes  coangustare,  aut 
concedere  sacrum  ipsum  errasse  auctorem." 

b)  Neque  minus  ab  Ecclesiae  doctrina.  Hieronymi 
testimonio  ceterorumque  Patrum  comprobata,  ii  dis- 
sentiunt,  qui  partes  Scripturarum  historicas  non  factorum 
ahsoluta  inniti  veritate  arbitrantur .  sed  tantummodo  relativa, 
quum  vocant,  et  concordi  vidgi  opinione:  idque  non  verentur 
ex  ipsis  Leonis  Pontificis  verbis  inferre,  propter  ia  quod 


APPENDIX  III  231 

principia  de  rebus  naturalihus  statuta  ad  disciplinas  his- 
toricas  trans ferri  posse  dixerit.  Itaque  contendunt,  hagio- 
graphos,  uti  in  physicis  secundum  ea  quae  apparerent 
locuti  sint,  ita  eventa  ignaros  rettulisse  prouti  haec  e 
communi  vulgi  sententia  vel  falsis  aliorum  testimoniis 
constare  viderentur,  neque  fontes  scientiae  suae  indicasse, 
neque  aliorum  enarrationes  fecisse  suas.  Rem  in  deces- 
sorem  Nostrum  plane  iniuriosam  et  falsam  plenamque 
err  oris  cur  multis  refellamus?  Quae  est  enim  rerum 
natural ium  cum  historia  similitude,  quando  physica  in  iis 
versantur  quae  "sensibiliter  apparent"  ideoque  cum 
phaenomenis  concordare  debent,  cimi;  contra,  lex  historiae 
praecipua  haec  sit,  scripta  cum  rebus  gestis,  uti  gestae 
reapse  sunt,  congruere  oportere?  Recepta  semel  istorum 
opinione,  quo  pacto  incoltunis  consistat  Veritas  ilia,  ab 
omni  falso  immunis,  narrationis  sacrae,  quam  decessor 
Noster  in  toto  Litterarum  suarum  contextu  retinendam 
esse  declarat  ?  Quodsi  affirmat,  ad  historiam  cog- 
natasque  disciplinas  eadem  principia  transferri  utiliter 
posse  quae  in  physicis  locum  habent,  id  quidem  non 
universe  statuit,  sed  auctor  tantummodo  est  ut  haud 
dissimili  ratione  utamur  ad  refellendas  adversariorum 
fallacias  et  ad  historicam  Sacrae  Scripturae  fidem  ab 
eorum  impugnationibus  tuendam. 

Atque  utinam  novarum  renmi  fautores  hie  sisterent; 
siquidem  eo  procedunt  ut  Doctorem  Stridonensem  ad 
sententiam  suam  defendendam  invocent,  utpote  qui  his- 
toriae fidem  et  ordinem  in  Bibliis  servari  "non  iuxta  id 
quod  erat,  sed  iuxta  id  quod  illo  tempore  putabatur"  et 
hanc  quidem  propriam  esse  historiae  legem  asseveraverit^. 

1  In  ler.  23,  15  sqq.;  In  Mt.  14,  8;  Adv.  Helv,  4, 


232     A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

In  quo  mirum  quantum  ad  sua  comnienta  detorquent 
verba  Hieronymi.  Nam  quis  est  qui  non  videat,  hoc 
Hieronymtmi  dicer e,  hagiographum  non  in  rebus  gestis 
enarrandis,  veritatis  ignarum,  ad  falsam  se  vulgi  opinionem 
accommodare,  sed  in  nomine  personis  et  rebus  imponendo 
communem  sequi  loquendi  modum?  Ut  cum  Sanctum 
losephum  patrem  lesu  appellat,  de  quo  quidem  patris 
nomine  quid  sentiat,  ipse  in  toto  narrationis  cursu  haud 
obscure  significat.  At  que  haec  ad  Hieronymi  mentem 
"vera  historiae  lex"  est,  ut  scriptor,  cum  de  eiusmodi 
appellationibus  agitur,  remoto  omni  erroris  periculo, 
usitatam  loquendi  rationem  teneat,  propterea  quia  penes 
usum  est  arbitriinn  et  norma  loquendi.  Quid,  quod  res 
quas  Biblia  gestas  enarrant,  hie  noster  non  secus  ac 
doctrinas  fide  ad  salutem  necessaria  credendas  proponit? 
Et  sane  in  commentario  Epistulae  ad  Philemonem  haec 
habet:  "Quod  autem  dico,  tale  est:  Credit  quispiam  in 
Conditorem  Deum :  non  potest  credere  nisi  prius  crediderit 
de  Sanctis  eius  vera  esse  quae  script  a  sunt."  Exemplis 
deinceps  quam  plurimis  ex  Veteris  Testamenti  codice 
allatis,  sic  concludit:  "Haec  et  cetera  quae  de  Sanctis 
scripta  sunt,  nisi  quis  uni versa  crediderit,  in  Deum  sanc- 
torum credere  non  valebit.''^  Hieronymus  igitur  idem 
omnino  profitetur,  quod  Augustinus,  communem  totius 
antiquitatis  christianae  sensum  complexus,  scribebat: 
"Quidquid  de  Henoch  et  de  Elia  et  de  Moyse  Scriptura 
sancta,  certis  et  magnis  fidei  suae  documentis  in  summo 
culmine  auctoritatis  locata,  testatur,  hoc  credimus  .  .  . 
Non  ergo  ideo  credimus  natum  ex  Virgine  Maria,  quod 
aliter  in  vera  came  existere  et  hominibus  apparere  non 


»Inrhni4, 


APPENDIX  III  233 

posset  (uti  voluit  Faustus),  sed  quia  sic  scriptum  est  in  ea 
Scrip tura  cui  nisi  crediderimus,  nee  christiani  nee  salvi 
esse  poterimus."! — Neque  aliis  Scriptura  sancta  obtrecta" 
toribus  caret;  eos  intellegimus,  qui  rectis  quidem,  si  intra 
cert  OS  quosdam  fines  contineantur,  principiis  sic  abutuntur, 
ut  fundamenta  veritatis  Bibliorum  labefactent  et  doc- 
trinam  catholicam  communiter  a  Patribus  traditam 
subruant.  In  quos  Hieronymus,  si  adhuc  viveret,  utique 
acerrima  ilia  sermonis  sui  tela  coniiceret,  quod,  sensu  et 
iudicio  Ecclesiae  posthabito,  nimis  facile  ad  citationes 
quas  vocant  implicitas  vel  ad  narrationes  specie  tenus 
historicas  confugiunt ;  aut  genera  quaedem  litterarum  in 
libris  sacris  inveniri  contendunt,  quibuscum  integra  ac 
•perfecta  verbi  divini  Veritas  componi  nequeat;  aut  de 
Bibliorum  origine  ita  opinantur,  ut  eorundem  labet  vel 
prorsus  pereat  auctoritas.  lam  quid  de  iis  sentiendum, 
qui,  in  ipsis  Evangeliis  exponendis,  fidem  illis  debitam 
humanam  minuunt,  divinam  evertunt?  Quae  enim 
Dominus  Noster  lesus  Chris tus  dixit,  quae  egit,  non  ea 
censent  ad  nos  integra  at  que  immutata  pervenisse,  iis 
testibus,  qui  quae  ipse  vidissent  at  que  audivissent, 
religiose  perscripserint ;  sed — praesertim  ad  quartiun 
Evangelium  quod  attinet — partim  ex  Evangelistis  pro- 
diisse,  si  multa  ipsimet  excogitarint  at  que  addiderint,  par- 
tim e  narratione  fidelium  alterius  aetatis  esse  congesta; 
ob  eamque  causam  aquas  e  duobus  fontibus  man  antes  uno 
eodemque  alveo  sic  hodie  contineri,  ut  nulla  iam  certa 
not  a  distingui  inter  se  possint.  Haud  ita  Hieronymus, 
Augustinus  et  ceteri  Ecclesiae  Doctores  historicam 
Evangeliorum   fidem  intellexerunt,   de   qua   "qui   vidit, 


^  S.  Aug.,  Contra  Faustum  26,  3  sq.  6  sq. 


234    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

testimonmm  perhibuit,  et  verum  est  testimonium  eius. 
Et  ille  scit,  quia  vera  dicit,  ut  et  vos  credatis"!.  Ac 
Hieronymus  quidem,  postquam  haereticos,  qui  apocrypha 
evangelia  confecerant,  in  eo  reprehendit  quod  "conati 
sunt  magis  ordinare  narrationem  quam  historiae  texere 
veritatem"2,  de  Scripturis  canonicis,  contra,  scribit: 
"nulli  dubium  sit,  facta  esse  quae  script  a  sunt"^,  iterum 
iterumque  cum  Augustino  consentiens,  qui  de  Evangeliis 
praeclare:  "vera  haec/'  inquit,  "et  de  illo  fideliter  vera- 
citerque  conscripta  sunt,  ut  quisquis  Evangelio  eius 
crediderit,  veritate  instruatur  non  mendaciis  illudatur".^ 

DE  STUDIO  ET  USU  SACRAE  SCRIPTURAE. 

lam  videtis,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  quanto  opere  sit  vobis 
adnitendum,  ut  quam  Patres  diligentissime  defugerint 
insanam  opinandi  libertatem,  eamdem  Ecclesiae  filii  non 
minu'^  diligenter  devitent.  Quod  quidem  eo  facilius 
assequemini,  si  et  clerics  et  laicis,  quos  Spiritus  Sanctus 
vobis  credidit  regendos,  persuaseritis,  Hieronymum  ce- 
terosque  Ecclesiae  Patres  banc  de  sacris  Libris  doctrinam 
nusquam  alibi  nisi  in  schola  ipsius  divini  Magistri  lesu 
(3hristi  didicisse.  Num  quid  aliud  legimus  de  Scriptu-^a 
sensisse  Dominum?  Cuius  ex  verbis  " scrip tum  est"  et 
"oportet  impleri  Scripturam"  iam  argumentum  omni  ex- 
ceptione  maius  exsistit,  quod  omnibus  controversii'^ 
finem  imponat.  Sed,  ut  in  re  paulisper  commoremur, 
cuiusnam  scientiam  aut  memor'am  fugiat,  Dominum 
lesum  in  sermonibus  quos  ad  populum  habuit,  cum  in 

1  lo  19,  35.  2  In  Mt,  Prol. 

3  Ep.  78,  1,  1 ;  cf.  In  Mc  1,  13—31. 
*  S.  Aug.,  Contra  Faustum  26,  8. 


APPENDIX  III  235 

monte  prope  lacum  Genesareth,  turn  in  synagoga  Na- 
zareth et  in  civitate  sua  Capharnaiim,  capita  doctrinae  et 
argiimenta  ad  earn  probandam  ex  codice  sacro  assump- 
sisse?  Nonne  ad  disceptandum  cum  pharisaeis  et  sad- 
ducaeis  invicta  arma  indidem  cepit?  Sive  enirn  doceat, 
sive  disputet,  ex  qualibet  Scripturae  parte  s^ntentias 
affert  exempla,  et  uti  talia  affert,  quibus  sit  necessario 
credendum;  quo  in  genere  ad  lonam  et  Ninivitas,  ad 
reginam  Saba  et  Salomonem,  ad  Eliam  et  EJisaeum,  ad 
David,  ad  Noe,  ad  Lot  et  Sodomitas  et  ipsam  uxorem 
Lot,  sine  ullo  discrimine,  provocate.  Veritatem  autem 
sacrorum  Lib^orum  sic  testatur,  ut  soUemniter  edicat: 
"Iota  unum  aut  unus  apex  non  praeteribit  a  lege  donee 
omnia  fiant"^,  et:  "Non  potest  solvi  Scriptura"^:  quam- 
obrem  "qui  solverit  unum  de  mandatis  istis  minimis  et 
docuerit  sic  homines,  minimus  vocabitur  in  regno  cael- 
orum"4.  Quam  ut  doctrinam  Apostoli,  quos  brevi  in 
terris  erat  relicturus,  plene  imbiberent,  ante  quam  ad 
Patrem  in  caelum  adscendit,  "aperuit  illis  sensum,  ut 
intellegerent  Scrip  turas,  et  dixit  eis :  Quoniam  sic  scrip  turn 
est  et  sic  oportebat  Christum  pati  et  resurgere  a  mortuis 
tertia  die"^  Doctrina  igitur  Hieronymi  de  praestantia  et 
veritate  Scripturae,  ut  uno  verbo  dicamus,  doctrina Christi 
est.  Quare  omnes  Ecdesiae  filios,  eosque  praecipue,  qui 
sacronmi  alumnos  ad  hanc  excolunt  disciplinam,  vehe- 
menter  hortamur,  ut  Stridonensis  Doctoris  vestigia  con- 
stanti  animo  persequantur :  ex  quo,  sine  dubio,  futurum 
est,  ut  hunc  Scripturarum  thesaunun,  quanti  iUe  habuit, 
tanti  ipsimet  faciant,  et  ex  eius  possessione  suavissimos 
capiant  beatitatis  fructus. 

1  Cf.  Mt  12,  3  39—42;  Lc  17,  26—29  32  sqq.         2  Mt  5,  18. 

« lo  10,  35.  4  Mt  5,  19.  5  Lc  24,  45  sq. 


236    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Etenim  quod  Doctore  Maximo  utamur  duce  ac 
magistro,  id  utilitates  non  modo  quas  supra  memoravimus, 
sed  alias  etiam  nee  paucas  nee  mediocres  habet,  quas, 
Venerabiles  Fratres,  placet  vobiseum  paueis  reeolere. 
Quod  quidem  ut  aggrediamur,  ille  in  primis  arte  oeulos 
mentis  Nostrae  ob'^ervatur  ardentissimus  Bibliorum  amor, 
quern  omni  vitae  suae  exemplo  et  verbis  Spiritu  Dei  plenis 
Hieronymus  demonstravit  atque  in  fidelium  animis  cotidie 
magis  excitare  studuit.  "Ama  Scripturas  sanctas",  ita 
in  virgine  Demetriade  hortari  omnes  videtur,  "et  amabit 
te  sapientia-  dilige  eam  et  servabit  te;  honora  illam  et  am- 
plexabitur  te.  Haec  monilia  in  pectore  et  in  auribus  tuis 
haereant."!  Continua  sane  Scripturae  lectio  atque 
accuratissima  singulorum  librorum  et  vel  sententiarum 
vocumque  pervestigatio  id  effecit,  u',  tantum  sacri  codicis 
usum  haberet,  quantum  nuUus  alius  scriptor  ecclesiasticae 
antiquitatis.  Cui  Bibliorum  scientiae  cum  subtilitate 
iudicii  coniunctae  tribuendum  est,  quod  versio  Vulgata  a 
Doctore  nostro  confecta,  omnium  integrorum  iudicum 
consensu,  reliquis  longe  praestat  antiquis  versionibus,  cum 
accuratius  atque  elegantius  archetypon  reddere  videatur. 
Vulgatam  vero  ipsam,  quam  "longo  tot  saeculorum  usu 
in  ipsa  Ecclesia  probatam"  Concilium  Tridentinum  uti 
authenticam  habendam  et  in  docendo  et  orando  usurpan- 
dam  esse  constituit,  praegestimus  animo,  si  quidem 
benignissimus  Deus  huius  lucis  Nobis  usuram  protulerit, 
ad  codicum  fid^m,  emendatam  restitutamque  videre:  quo 
ex  arduo  laboriosoque  opere,  a  fel.  rec.  decessore  Nostro 
Pio  X  sodalibus  Benedictinis  providenter  commisso, 
minime  dubitamus  quin  nova  ad  Scripturarum  intelle^ 

1  Ep.  130,  20. 


APPENDIX  III  237 

gentiam  praesidia  accedant.  Quamm  amor  e  Hieronymi 
praesertim  epistulis  adeo  eminet,  ut  eae  velut  ipsis  divinis 
verbis  context ae  videantur;  et,  quemadmodum  Bernardo 
nihil  ea  sapiebant  unde  dulcissimtim  lesu  nomen  abesset, 
sic  noster  nuUis  iam  litteris  delectabatur  quae  luminibus 
carerent  Scripturarum.  Quare  ad  sanctum  Paulinum, 
virum  senatoria  olim  et  consulari  dignitate  conspicuimi, 
eimique  non  multo  ante  ad  Christi  fidem  conversum, 
haec  candide  scribebat:  "Si  haberes  hoc  fundamentum  (id 
est  scientiam  Scripturarum),  immo,  quasi  extrema  manus 
in  tuo  opere  duceretur,  nihil  pulchrius,  nihil  doctius 
nihilque  latinius  tuis  haboremus  voluminibus.  .  .  .  Huic 
prudentiae  et  eloquentiae  si  accederet  vel  studium  vel 
intellegentia  Scripturarum  viderem  te  brevi  arcem  tenere 
nostrorum"!. 

Sed  qua  via  ac  ratione  magnus  hie  thesaurus,  a  Patre 
caelesti  in  solacium  peregrinantium  filiorum  conlatus, 
sit  cum  laeta  boni  exitus  spe  quaerendus,  Hieronymus 
suo  ipse  exemplo  indicat.  Atque  in  primis  monet, 
praeparationem  diligentem  affectamque  bene  voluntatem 
ad  eiusmodi  studia  afferamus.  Ipse  enim,  postquam 
baptismo  ablutus  est,  omnia  ut  removeret  externa  im- 
pedimenta, quae  a  sancto  eimi  proposito  remorari  poterant, 
hominem  ilium  imitatus,  qui,  thesauro  invento,  "prae 
gaudio  illius  vadit  et  vendit  unive^sa  quae  habet  et  emit 
agrum  illum"^,  fluxas  inanesque  huius  mundi  delicias 
missas  faeere,  solitudinem  percupere,  et  severum  vitae 
institutum  eo  studiosius  ampljcti,quo  magis  invitiorum 
illecebris  an  tea  salutem  periclitari  perspexerat.  At  certe, 
iis   sublatis   impedimentis,   reliquum   erat,   ut   animum 


lEp.  58,  9,  2;  11,2.  2  Mt  13,44. 


238    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

quoque  ad  lesu  Christi  scientiam  compararet,  Eumque 
indueret  qui  "mitis"  est  "et  humilis  corde";  siquidem  in 
se  id  expertus  erat,  quod  Augustinus  sibi  sacrarum 
Litterarum  studia  ineunti  contigisse  testatus  est.  Qui 
postquam  se  in  scripta  Ciceronis  aliorumque  adulescens 
immerserat,  cum  animum  ad  Scripturam  sanctam  in- 
tenderet,  "visa  est  mihi",  ait,  "indigna  quam  Tullianae 
dignitati  compararem.  Tumor  enim  meus  refugiebat 
modum  eius,  <  t  acie?  mea  non  penetrabat  interiora  eius. 
Verumtamen  ilia  erat  quae  cresceret  cum  parvulis:  sed 
ego  dedignabar  esse  parvulus,  et  turgidus  fastu  mihi 
grandis  videbat"!.  Haud  aliter  Hieronymus,  etsi  in 
soHtudinem  secesserat,  profanis  litteris  adeo  delectabatur, 
ut  humilem  Christum  nondum  in  humilitate  Scripturae 
cognosceret.  "Itaque  miser  ego",  inquit,  "lecturus  Tul- 
lium  ieiunabam.  Post  noctium  crebras  vigilias,  post 
lacrimas  quas  mihi  praeteritorum  recordatio  peccatorum 
ex  imis  visceibus  eruebat,  Plautus  sumebatur  in  manus. 
Si  quando  in  memetipsum  re  versus,  prophetas  legere 
coepissem,  sermo  horrebat  incultus,  et  quia  lumen  caecis 
oculis  non  videbam,  non  oculorum  putabam  culpam  esse 
sed  solis."2  Sed  brevi  Crucis  stultitiam  sic  adamavit,  ut 
sit  dociimento  quantum  humilis  piusque  animi  habitus  ad 
Bibliorum  intellegentiam  conferat.  Itaque  cum  sibi  ipse 
conscius  esset  "semper  in  exponendis  Scripturis  Sanctis 
Spiritus  Dei  indigere  nos  adventu''^  et  non  aliter  Scrip- 
turam esse  legendam  et  intellegendam  "quam  sensus 
Spiiitus  Sancti  flagitat  quo  conscripta  est "4,  sanctissimus 
vir  Dei  opem  et  Paracliti  lumina,  amicis  quoque  depreca- 


iS.  Aug.,  Conf.  3,  5;cf.  8,  12.  2  Ep.  22,  30,  2. 

s  In  Mich  1,  10,  15.  "  In  Gal  5,  19  sqq. 


APPENDIX  III  239 

toribu?  usus,  suppliciter  impJorat;  eumque  hgimus  divino 
auxilio  fratrumque  precibus  et  explanationes  libromm 
sacrorum,  quas  inchoaret,  commendantem,  et  quas 
feliciter  absolvisset,  referentem  acceptas.  Praeterea,  que- 
madmodum  Dei  gratiae,  sic  maionim  auctoritati  se  per- 
mittit,  ut  affirmare  queat,  se  "quod  didicerat,  non  a  seipso, 
id  est  a  praesumptionis  pessimo  pr  accept  ore,  sed  ab  il- 
lustribus  Ecclesiae  viris"!  didicisse;  fatetur  enim,  se 
"nunquam  in  divinis  voluminibus  propriis  viribus  credi- 
disse"2,  et  cum  Theophilo,  episcopo  Alexandrino  legem, 
ad  quam  vitam  suam  et  studia  sacra  composuerat,  hisce 
verbis  communicat:  "Sed  tamen  scito  nobis  esse  nihil 
antiquius  quam  Christiani  iura  servare  nee  patrum  trans- 
ferre  terminos  semperque  meminisse  Romanam  fidem 
apostolico  ore  laudatam."^  Atque  Ecclesiae,  supremae 
per  Romanes  Pontifices  magistrae,  toto  pectore  obse- 
quitur  et  paret ;  e  region  e  igitur  Syriae  desert  a,  ubi  haereti- 
corum  factionibus  premebatur,  ut  controversiam  Oriental- 
ium  de  Sanctissimae  Trinitatis  mysterio  dirimendam 
Romanae  Sedi  subiiceret,  ita  scribit  ad  Damasum  Ponti- 
ficem:  "Ideomihi  cathedram  Petri  et  fidem  apostolico  ore 
laudatam  censui  consulendam,  inde  nunc  meae  animae 
postulans  cibum  unde  olim  Christi  vestimenta  suscepi.  . 
Ego  nullum  primum  nisi  Christum  sequens,  Beatitudini 
Tuae  id  est  cathedrae  Petri  commimione  consocior 
Super  illam  petram  aedificatam  Ecclesiam  scio.  .  . 
Decemite,  obsecro :  si  placet,  non  timebo  tres  hypostases 
dicere;  si  iubetis,  condatur  nova  post  Nicaenam  fides,  et 


1  Ep.  108,  26,  2. 

'  Ad  Domnionem  et  Rogatianum  in  1  Pafal.  Praef. 

3  Ep.  63,  2. 


240    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

similibus  verbis  ciim  Arianis  confiteamur  orthodox!,  "i 
Tandem  hanc  fidei  suae  praeclaram  confessionem  in 
proxima  epistula  repetit;  "Ego  interim  clamito:  Si  quis 
cathedrae  Petri  iungitur,  meus  est. "2  Quam  quidem 
fidei  regulam  in  Scripturarum  studio  continenter  secutus, 
falsam  quandam  sacri  codicis  interpretationem  hoc  uno 
argumento  refutat:  "Sed  haec  non  recipit  Ecclesia  Dei"^, 
et  librum  apocryphum,  quern  Vigilantius  haereticus  ipsi 
opposuerat,  paucis  hisce  reiicit:  "Quern  ego  librum  nun- 
quam  legi.  Quid  enim  necesse  est  in  manus  sumere  quod 
Ecclesia  non  recipit? "4  Ergo  cum  in  fidei  integritate 
retinenda  tarn  esset  diUgens,  acerrime  cum  iis  depugnabat 
qui  ab  Ecclesia  descivissent,  eosque  adversarios  veluti 
suos  proprios  habebat :  "Breviter  respondebo,  nunquam  me 
haereticis  pepercisse  et  omni  egisse  studio,  ut  hostes 
Ecclesiae  mei  quoque  hostes  fierent"^;  et  ad  Rufinum  cum 
scriberet:  *Tn  uno  tibi"  ait  "consentire  non  potero,  ut 
parcam  haereticis,  ut  me  catholicum  non  probem."^ 
Eorum  tamen  defectionem'complorans,rogabat,vellent  ad 
lugentem  Matrem,  unicam  salutis  causam,  reverti'^,  et  pro 
iis  "qui  de  Ecclesia  egressi  erant  et  dimittentes  doctrinam 
Spiritus  Santi  suum  sensum  sequebantur",  precabatur,  ut 
toto  animo  ad  Deum  converterentur^.  Quodsi  unquam 
alias,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  at  hac  nostra  praesertim 
aetate,  cum  Dei  revelantis  Ecclesiaeque  docentis  auctori- 
tatem  at  que  imperium  non  pauci  contumaciter  detrectant, 
spiritu  Doctoris  Maximi  omnes  e  clero  populoque  christian© 
imbuantur  oportet.     Nostis  enim — quod  iam  Leo  XIII 

1  Ep.  15,  12  4.  2  lb.  16,  2,  2. 

8  In  Dn  3,  37.  4  Adv.  Vigil.  6. 

5  Dial.  c.  Pelag.,  Proiog.  2.  «  Contra  Ruf.  3,  43. 

'InMich.  1,  lOsqq.  »  In  Is.  1,  6  cap.  16,  1—5, 


APPENDIX  III  241 

praemonuerat — "quale  adversetur  et  instet  hominum 
genus,  quibus  vel  artibus  vel  armis  confidant".  Omnino 
igitur  quam  plurimos  quamque  maxime  idoneos  excitetis 
oportet  sanctissimae  causae  defensores,  qui  non  modo 
ad  versus  eos  dimicent  quibus,  ordinem  supematuralem 
universum  negantibus,  nulla  est  Dei  revelatio  et  afflatus, 
sed  etiam  cum  iis  congrediantur  qui,  profanarum  novita- 
tum  cupidi,  sacras  Litteras  quasi  librum  prorsus  humanum 
interpretari  audent,  aut  a  sententiis  discedunt  in  Ecclesia  a 
prisca  antiquitate  receptis,  aut  magisterium  eius  sic 
neglegunt,  ut  Apostolicae  Sedis  Constitutiones  et  Ponti- 
ficii  Consilii  de  Re  BibJica  decreta  parvi  pendant  vel 
silentio  praetereant  vel  etiam  ad  placita  sua  subdole 
petulanterve  detorqueant.  Utinam  catholici  omnes  au- 
ream  sancti  Doctoris  regulam  sequantur,  et,  Matris  dicto 
audientes,  intra  terminos  antiques  a  Patribus  positos  et  ab 
Ecclesia  ratos  se  modeste  contineant. 

Sed  ad  propositum  redeamus.  Animos  igitur  iam 
pietate  ac  demissione  comparatos,  ad  Bibliorum  studium 
invitat  Hieronymus.  Ac  primum  omnibus  iterum  iterum- 
que  cotidianam  verbi  divini  lectionem  commendat: 
"Modo  non  sit  corpus  nostrum  subditum  peccatis,  et 
ingredietur  in  nos  sapientia:  exerceatur  sensus,  mens 
cotidie  divina  lectione  pascatur."!  Et  in  Epistulam  ad 
Ephesios:  "Unde  omni  studio  legendae  nobis  Scripturae 
sunt  et  in  lege  Domini  meditandum  die  ac  nocte,  ut 
probati  trapezitae  sciamus  quis  nummus  probus  sit,  quis 
adulter.  "2  Neque  ab  hac  communi  lege  matronas  vir- 
ginesque  eximit.  Laetae,  matri  Romanae,  haec  de  filia 
instituenda,  inter  alia,  tradit  praecepta:  "Reddat   tibi 

1  In  Tit.  3,  9.  2  In  Eph.  4,  31 


242    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

pensum  cotidie  Scripturarum  certum.  .  .  .  Pro  gemmis 
aut  serico  di vinos  codices  amet.  ...  Discat  primum 
psalterium,  his  se  canticis  avocet,  et  in  Proverbiis  Salo- 
monis  erudiatur  ad  vitam.  In  Ecclesiaste  consuescat 
calcare  quae  mundi  sunt.  In  lob  virtutis  et  patientiae 
exempla  sectetur.  Ad  Evangelica  transeat,  nunquam  ea 
positura  de  manibus.  Apostolorum  Acta  et  Epistulas 
tota  cordis  imbibat  voluntate.  Cumque  pectoris  sui 
cellarium  his  opibus  locupletaverit,  mandet  memoriae 
prophetas  at  Heptateuchum  et  Regum  ac  ParaUpomenon 
libros,  Esdraeque  et  Esther  volumina,  ut  ultimum  sine 
periculo  discat  Canticum  Canticorum."^  Neque  a  liter 
Eustochium  virginem  hortatur:  "Crebrius  lege  et  disce 
quam  plurima.  Tenenti  codicem  somnus  obrepat  et 
cadentem  faciem  pagina  sancta  suscipiat."^  Cui  cum 
epitaphium  mitteret  Paulae  matris,  sanctissimam  feminam 
eo  quoque  nomine  dilaudat,  quod  una  cum  filia  sic  se 
Scripturarum  studiis  excoluisset,  ut  eas  et  penitus  nosset 
et  memoriae  mand asset.  Addit  praeterea:  "Loquar  et 
aliud  quod  f  orsan  aemulis  videatur  incredulum :  hebraeam 
linguam,  quam  ego  ab  adulescentia  multo  labore  ac 
sudore  ex  parte  didici,  et  infatigabili  meditatione  non 
desero,  ne  ipse  ab  ea  deserar,  discere  voluit  et  consecuta  est 
ita  ut  psalmos  hebraice  caneret  et  sermonem  absque  ulla 
latinae  linguae  proprietate  resonaret.  Quod  quidem 
usque  hodie  in  sancta  filia  eius  Eustochio  ce-nnimus."^ 
Neque  sanctam  praeterit  Marcellam,  quae  item  Scrip- 
turas  calleret  op  time.  ^  Quem  vero  lateat,  ex  pia  sacrorum 
libronun   lectione    quantum   utilitatis    ac   suavitatis   in 

lEp.  107,  9,  12.  2  lb.  22,  17,  2;  cf.  ib.  29,  2. 

8  lb.  108,26,  4  lb.  127,7. 


APPENDIX  III  243 

anirnoa  rite  compositos  defluat?  Ad  Biblia  enim  quisquis 
pia  msnte,  firma  fide,  humili  animo  et  cum  proficiendi 
voluntate  accesserit,  is  eum  ibi  inveniet  et  comedet 
panem  qui  de  caelo  descendit,  et  Davidicum  illud  in  se 
ipse  experietur:  "Incerta  et  occulta  sapientiae  tuae  mani- 
festasti  mihi"i,  cum  haec  verbi  divini  mensa  sit  vera 
*'continens  doctrinam  sanctam,  erudiens  fidem  rectam, 
et  firmiter  usque  ad  interiora  velaminis,  ubi  sunt  Sancta 
Sanctorum,  perducens"^.  Quod  autem  in  Nobis  est, 
Venerabiles  Fratres,  Chris tifideles  omnes  auctore  Hier- 
onymo  cohort ari  numquam  desinemus,  ut  sacrosancta 
praesertim  Domini  Nostri  Evangelia,  itemque  Acta 
Apostolorum  et  Epistulas  cotidiana  lectione  pervolutare 
et  in  sucum  et  sanguinem  convertere  studeant.  Itaque 
in  his  saecularibus  sollemnibus  ad  Societatem,  quae 
Sancti  Hieronymi  nomine  nuncupatur,  libenter  provolat 
cogitatio  Nostra;  eoque  libentius  quod  Nosmetipsi  rei 
inchoandae  perficiendaeque  participes  fuimus,  cuius  qui- 
dem  increment  a  cum  praeterita  iucunde  perspeximus,  turn 
praecipimus  laeto  animo  futura.  Huic.enim  Societati 
non  ignoratis,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  id  esse  propositum, 
quattuor  Evangelia  et  Acta  Apostolorum  quam  latissime 
pervulgare  ita,  ut  nulla  iam  sit  Christiana  familia  quae  iis 
careat,  omnesque  cotidiana  eorum  lectione  et  meditatione 
assuescant.  Quod  opus  Nobis  ob  exploratas  eius  utilitates 
carissimum,  vehement er  cupimus,  societatibus  eiusdem 
nominis  et  instituti  iibique  conditis,  et  iis  ad  Romanam 
agg'-egatis,  in  dioeceses  vestras  propagari  atque  diflfundi. 
Eodem  in  genere  op  time  de  re  catholica  merentur  illi  e 
variis  regionibus   viri,   qui    omnes   Novi  Testamenti  et 

iPsSO.  8.  2iniit.  Chr.  4,  11,4. 


244    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

selectos  e  Vetere  libros  commoda  ac  nitida  forma  eden- 
dos  et  evulgandos  perdiligenter  curarunt  et  in  praesenti 
curant :  unde  constat  haud  exiguam  fructuum  copiam  in 
Ecclesiam  Dei  permanasse,  cum  multo  iam  plures  ad  banc 
caelestis  doctrinae  mensam  accedant,  quam  Dominus 
Noster  per  suos  prophetas,  Apostolos  et  Doctores  christi- 
ano  orbi  ministravit.i 

lam  vero,  cum  sacri  codicis  studium  ab  omnibus  fideli- 
bus  requirit  Hieronymus,  tum  maxime  ab  iis  qui  "iugum 
Christi  collo  suo  imposuerunt"  et  ad  divinum  verbum 
praedicandum  di  vini  tus  vocati  sunt .  Sic  enim  in  monacho 
Rustico  clericos  omnes  affatur :  "Quamdiu  in  patria  tua  es, 
habeto  cellulam  pro  paradiso,  varia  Scripturarum  poma 
decerpe,  his  utere  deliciis,  harum  fruere  complexu.  .  .  . 
Numquam  de  manu  et  oculis  tuis  recedat  liber,  Psalteiium 
discatur  ad  verbum,  oratio  sine  intermissione,  vigil  sensus 
nee  vanis  cogitationibus  patens. "2  Nepotianvim  vero 
presbytenmi  sic  monet:  ''Divinas  Scrip turas  saepius  lege, 
immo  nunquam  de  manibus  tuis  sacra  lectio  deponatur. 
Disce  quod  doceas.  Obtine  eum  qui  secundum  doctrinam 
est  fidelem  sermonem,  ut  possis  exhortari  in  doctrina 
sancta  et  contradicentes  revincere."^  Cum  autem  in 
Sancti  Paulini  memoriam  praecepta  a  Paulo  discipulis 
Timotheo  ac  Tito  de  scientia  Scripturarum  impertita  re- 
degisset,  haec  addit:  ''Sancta  quippe  rusticitas  sibi  soli 
prodest,  et  quantum  aedificat  ex  vitae  merito  Ecclesiam 
Christi,  tantum  nocet  si  contradicentibus  non  resistit. 
Malachias  propheta,  immo  per  Malachiam  Dominus: 
Interroga,  ait,  sacerdotes  legem.  In  tantum  sacerdotis 
officium   est   interrogatum   respondere   de   lege.     Et   in 


1  Imit.  Chr.  4,  11,  4.        2  Ep.  125,  7,  3;  11,  1.         3  jb.  52,  7,  1. 


APPENDIX  III  245 

Deuteronomio  legimus :  Interroga  patrem  tuum,  et  an- 
nuntiabit  tibi,  presbyter os  tuos  et  dicent  tibi.  .  .  . 
Daniel  in  fine  sacratissimae  visionis  iustos  ait  fulgere  quasi 
Stellas,  et  intellegentes  id  est  doctos  quasi  firmamentum. 
Vides  quantum  distent  inter  se  iusta  iiisticitas  et  docta 
iustitia?  Alii  stellis,  alii  caelo  comparantur."!  Alio- 
rum  quoque  clericorum  "iustam  rusticitatem"  in  epistula 
ad  Marcellam  per  ironiam  carpit:  "quam  (rusticitatem) 
illi  solam  pro  sanctitate  habent,  piscatonmi  se  discipulos 
asserentes,  quasi  idcirco  iusti  sint,  si  nihil  scierint"2.  At 
non  eiusmodi  tantummodo  rusticos,  venim  etiam  clericos 
litteratos  Scripturarum  ignorantia  peccare  animadvertit, 
et  gravissimis  verbis  assiduam  in  sacris  voluminibus  ex- 
ercitationem  sacerdotibus  inculcat.  Quae  auidem  ex- 
egetae  sanctissimi  documenta,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  stu- 
diose  efficite  ut  animis  clericorum  et  sacerdotum  vestrorum 
altius  insideant;  nam  vestrum  in  primi-  est  diligenter 
revocare  eos  ad  considerandum  quid  ab  ipsis  divini 
muneris,  quo  aucti  sunt,  ratio  postulet,  si  eo  non  indignos 
se  praestare  velint:  "Labia  enim  sacerdotis  custodient 
scientiam  et  legem  requirent  ex  ore  eius,  quia  Angelus 
Domini  exercituimi  est."3  Sciant  igitiu*,  sibi  nee  studium 
Scripturarum  esse  neglegendum,  nee  illud  alia  via  ag- 
grediendum,  ac  Leo  XIII  Encyclicis  Litteris  "Pro- 
videntissimus  Deus"  data  opera  praescripsit.  lidem 
profecto  perfectius  aliquid  attingent,  si  Institutum 
Biblicum  celebrarint,  quod,  secundum  Leonis  XIII 
optata,  proximus  decessor  Noster  condidit  permagna 
quidem  cum  Ecclesiae  sanctae  utilitate,  ut  est  horum 
decem  annorum  experiment o  testatissimum.     Sed  quon- 

1  Ep.  53,  3  sqq.         2  ib.  27,  1,  2.         3  Mai  2,  7. 


246    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

iam  plerique  hoc  nequeunt,  optabile  est  ut  select!  ex  utro- 
que  clero  viri,  vobis,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  auctoribus  atque 
auspicibus,  undique  in  Urbem  conveniant  operam  rei 
biblicae  in  Institute  Nostro  daturi.  Qui  autem  aliunni 
convenerint,  iis  non  una  de  causa  Institutum  frequentare 
licebit.  Alii  enim,  secundum  praecipuum  huius  Lycei 
magni  finem,  studia  biblica  ita  pertractabunt,  ut  ea 
"postmodum  tarn  privatim  quam  publice,  turn  scribentes 
cum  docentes,  profit eri  valeant,  sive  in  munere  magis- 
trorum  penes  catholicas  scholas,  sive  in  officio  scriptonmi 
pro  catholica  veritate  vindicanda,  eorum  dignitatem  tueri 
possint"^;  alii  vero,  qui  iam  ministerio  sacro  initiati  sint, 
ampliorem,  quam  in  theologiae  curriculo,  cognitionem 
Scripturaa  sacrae,  itemque  magnorum  eius  interprettun  et 
temporum  locorumque  biblicorum,  sibi  comparare  pote- 
runt,  quae  cognitio  ad  usum  praecipue  pertineat,  ad  id 
nempe,  ut  perfecti  evadant  verbi  divini  administri,  ad 
omne  opus  bonum  instructi^. 

Habetis,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  ex  Hieronymi  exemplo  et 
auctoritate  quibus  virtutibus  oporteat  instructum  esse, 
quisquis  se  ad  lectionem  studiumve  Bibliorum  conferat: 
nunc  ipstun  audiamus  docentem  quorsum  sacrarum  lit- 
terarum  cognitio  spectare  quidque  debeat  intendere. 
Primum  in  iis  paginis  cibus  quaerendus  est,  unde  vita 
spiritus  ad  perfectionem  alatur:  quamobcausamHierony- 
mus  in  lege  Domini  meditari  die  ac  nocte  et  in  Sanctis 
Scrip turis  panem  de  caelo  ac  manna  caeleste,  omnes  in  se 
delicias  habens,  consuevit  comedere^.  Quo  quidem  cibo 
animus  noster  carere  qui  possit?    Et  quomodo  ecclesias- 


1  Pius  X  in  Litt.  Ap.  "Vinea  electa,"  7  Maii  1909. 

2  Cf.  2  Tim  3,  17.         3  jract.  de  Ps  147, 


APPENDIX  III  247 

ticus  vir  viam  salutis  alios  doceat,  quando,  neglecta 
Scripturae  meditatione,  se  ipse  non  docet?  Aut  quo 
pacto,  sacra  administrando,  confidat  se  "esse  ducem 
caecorum,  lumen  eorum  qui  in  tenebris  sunt,  eruditorem 
insipientium,  magistrum  infantium,  habentem  formam 
scientiae  et  veritatis  in  lege"i,  si  banc  legis  doctrinam 
commentari  nolit  et  superno  lumini  aditum  prohibeat? 
Heu  quod  sacrorum  administn,  posthabita  Bibliorum 
lectione,  fame  ipsi  pereunt  et  alios  nimis  multos  interire 
sinunt,  cum  scriptum  sit :  "Parvuli  petiertmt  pancm  et  non 
erat  qui  frangeret  eis"2  "Desolata  est  omnis  terra  quia 
nuUus  est  qui  recogitet  corde."^  Deinde,  ut  res  postula- 
verit,  argument  a  ex  Scripturis  petenda  sunt  quibus  fidei 
dogmata  illustremus,  confirmemus,  tueamur.  Quod  ille 
mirifice  praestitit,  ad  versus  sui  temporis  haereticos  dimi- 
cans :  quos  ad  refellendos,  quam  acuta,  quam  solida  e  locis 
Scripturae  arma  desumpserit,  omni  eius  opera  luculenter 
ostendunt.  In  quo  si  eum  imitati  erunt  nostri  Scriptura- 
rum  interpretes,  id  profecto  consecuturum  est — quod  de- 
cessor  Noster  in  Encyclicis  Litteris  "Providentissimus 
Deus"  "maxime  optabile  et  necessarium"  dixit — ,  ut 
"eiusdem  Scripturae  usus  in  universam  theologiae  influat 
disciplinam  eiusque  prope  sit  anima".  Praecipuus  denique 
Scripturae  usus  ad  divini  verbi  ministeriimi  pertinet, 
sancte  fructuoseque  exercendum.  Atque  hoc  loco,  gratis- 
simum  est  Doctoris  Maximi  verbis  roborari  praecepta, 
quae  Nos  Litteris  Encyclicis  "Hiunani  generis"  de  verbi 
divini  praedicatione  tradidimus.  Ac  profecto  insignis 
interpres  tarn  graviter,  tam  frequenter  continuam  sacra- 
rum  Litterarum  lectionem  ad  id  potissimum  sacerdotibus 

iHom.  2,  19sq.         2  Thr  4,  4.         3irl2,  11, 


248    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

commendat,  ut  munere  docendi  et  contionandi  digne 
perfungantur.  Neque  enim  eorum  sermo  habeat  aliquid, 
cum  momenti  et  ponderis,  turn  ad  effingendos  animos 
efficacitatis,  nisi  a  sacra  Scriptura  informetur  ab  eaque 
vim  suam  ac  robur  mutuetur.  "Sermo  presbyteri  Scrip- 
turarum  lectione  conditus  sit."i  Nam  "quidquid  in 
Scripturis  Sanctis  dicitur,  tuba  comminans  est  et  grandi 
voce  credentium  aures  penetrans ".2  "Nihil  enim  ita 
percutit,  ut  exemplum  de  Scripturis  Sanctis. "^ 

Quae  autem  sanctus  Doctor  habet  de  legibus  in  usu 
Bibliorum  servandis,  ea,  quamquam  ad  interpretes  quoque, 
maximam  partem,  pertinent,  sacerdotes  in  verbi  divini 
praedicatione  ante  oculos  habento.  Ac  primo  quidem 
monet,  ipsa  Scripturae  verba  perdiligenter  consideremus, 
ut  certo  constet  quidnam  sacer  script  or  dixerit.  Neque 
enim  quisquam  ignorat,  Hieronymum,  si  quando  opus 
esset,  consuevisse  ad  codicem  primigenium  adire,  aliam 
interpretationem  cum  alia  comparare,  vim  verborum 
excutere  et,  si  qui  incidisset  error,  causas  err  oris  aperire 
ut  de  ipsa  lectione  omnis  tolleretur  dubitatio.  Tum  vero, 
quae  in  verbis  insit  significatio  et  sententia,  docet  esse 
inquirendimi,  quia  "de  Scripturis  Sanctis  disputanti  non 
tarn  necessaria  sunt  verba  quam  sensus"^.  At  que  in 
eiusmodi  significatione  perscrutanda  minime  diffitemur 
Hieronymum,  doctores  latinos  nonnullosque  ex  graecis 
superionim  temporum  imitatum,  fortasse  plus  aequo 
allegoricis  interpretationibus  initio  concessisse.  Verum 
fecit  ipse  sacrorum  Librorum  amor,  fecit  perpetuus  labor 
in  eos  recognoscendos  ac  penitus  percipiendos  impensus, 


1  Ep.  52,  8,  1.  2  In  Am,  3,  3  sqq. 

3  In  Zach.  9,  15  sq.  «  Ep.  29,  1,  3. 


APPENDIX  III  240 

ut  cotidie  magis  in  recta  sensus  litteralis  aestimatione 
proficeret,  et  sana  hoc  in  genere  principia  proponeret; 
quae,  cum  nunc  quoque  tutam  omnibus  viam  muniant  ad 
plenum  ex  sacris  libris  sensum  eruendum,  breviter  ex- 
ponemus.  Ad  litteralem  igitur  seu  historicam  explica- 
tionem  in  primis  animum  intendere  debemus :  "Prudentem 
semper  admoneo  lectorem,  ut  non  superstitiosis  acquiescat 
interpretationibus  et  quae  commatice  pro  fingentium 
dicuntur  arbitrio,  sed  consideret  priora,  media  et  vse- 
quentia,  et  nectat  sibi  universa  quae  scripta  sunt"i 
Addit,  reliquum  omne  interpretationis  genus,  tamquam 
fundament o,  sensu  litterali  inniti^,  qui  neque  turn  abesse 
putandus  est,  cum  aliquid  translate  effertur;  nam  "fre- 
quenter historia  ipsa  metaphorice  texitur  et  sub  imagine 
.  .  .  praedicatur"3.  Qui  vero  opinantur,  Doctorem  no- 
strum id  nonnullis  Scripturae  locis  tribuisse  quod  sensu  his- 
torico  carerent,  eos  ipsemet  refellit:  "Non  historiam  de- 
negamus,  sed  spiritalem  intellegentiam  praeferimus"'*. 
Litterali  autem  seu  historica  significatione  in  tuto  collo- 
cata,  interiores  altioresque  rimatur  sensus,  ut  exquisi- 
tiore  epulo  spiritum  pascat:  docet  enim  de  libro  Pro- 
verbiorum,  idemque  de  reliquis  Scripturae  partibus  saepe 
monet,  sistendtmi  non  esse  in  solo  litterali  sensu  "sed 
quasi  in  terra  aurum,  in  nuce  nucleus,  in  hirsutis  casta- 
nearum  operculis  abscond! tus  fructus  inquiritur,  ita  in 
eis  divinum  sensum  altius  perscrutandum"-'^.  Quamo- 
brem,  cum  Sanctum  Paulinum  edoceret,  "quo  in  Scripturis 
Sanctis  calle  gradiatur",  "totum",  ait,  "quod  legimus  in 

1  In  Mt  25,  13. 

2Cf.  In  Ez  38,  1  sqq.;  41,  23  sqq.;  42,  13  sqq.;  In  Mc  1,  13—31; 
Ep.  129,  6,  1  etc.  3  in  Hab  3,  14  sqq. 

4  In  Mc  9,  1—7 ;  cf.  In  Ez  40,  24—27.        «  In  Eccle  12,  9  sq. 


250    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

divinis  libris,  nitet  quidem  et  fulget  etiam  in  cortice,  sed 
dulcius  in  medulla  est.  Qui  esse  vult  nucleum,  frangit 
nucem"!.  Monet  tamen,  cum  de  quaerendo  agitur  eius- 
modi  interiore  sensu,  quemdam  modum  esse  adhibendum, 
"ne,  dum  spiritales  divitias  sequimur,  historiae  con- 
temnere  paupertatem  videamur"^.  Itaque  haud  paucas 
improbat  antiquortim  scriptorum  mysticas  interpreta- 
tiones  ob  earn  praecipue  causam  quod  in  litterali  sensu  mi- 
nime  inniterentur :  "ut  omnes  illius  repromissiones  quas 
sancti  prophetae  suo  ore  cecinerunt,  non  inanem  sonum 
habeant  et  crassa  solius  tropologiae  nomina,sed  fundentur 
in  terra  et  cum  historiae  habuerint  fundamenta,  tunc 
spiritalis  intellegentiae  culmen  accipiant"^.  Qua  in  re 
sapienter  animadvertit,non  esse  a  Christi  et  Apostolorum 
vestigiis  discendendum,  qui,  quamquam  Vetus  Testa- 
mentum  uti  Novi  Foederis  praeparationem  et  obumbra- 
tionem  considerant  proptereaque  locos  complures  typice 
interpretantur,  non  omnia  tamen  ad  typicam  significa- 
tionem  trahunt.  At  que,  ut  rem  confirmet,  saepe  ad 
Paulum  Apostolum  appellat,  qui,  exempli  gratia,  "ex- 
ponens  sacramenta  Adae  et  Evae,  non  negavit  plasma- 
tionem  eorum,  sed  super  fundamentum  historiae  spiritalem 
intellegentiam  aedificans  ait :  Propter  hoc  relinquet  homo 
etc.""^.  Quodsi  sacrarum  Litterarum  interpretes  et  divini 
verbi  praecones,  Christi  et  Apostolorum  exempltun 
secuti  monitisque  Leonis  XIII  obtemperantes,  ea  non 
neglexerint  "quae  ab  eisdem  Patribus  ad  allegoricam 
similemve  sententiam  translata  sunt,  maxime  cum  ex 
litterali  descendant,  et  multorum  auctoritate  fulciantur", 
et  modeste  temperateque  e  litterali  sententia  ad  altiora 

1  Ep  58,  9,  1.  2  In  Eccle,  2,  24  sqq. 

.3  In  Am  9.  6.  ■*  In  Is  6,  1—7. 


APPENDIX  III  251 

exsurgant  atque  se  erigant,  cum  Hieronymo  experientur 
quam  verum  illud  Pauli:  "Omnis  Scriptura  divinitus  in- 
spirata  et  utilis  ad  docendum,  ad  arguendum,  ad  corri- 
gendum, ad  erudiendum  in  iustitia"!,  et  large  ex  infinite 
Scripturarum  thesauro  habituri  sunt  rerum  sentitarumque 
subsidia,  quibus  for  titer  suaviterque  vitam  moresque 
fidelium  ad  sanctitatem  conforment. 

Quod  vero  attinet  ad  exponendi  et  dicendi  rationem, 
quoniam  inter  dispensatores  mysteriorum  Dei  quaeritur 
ut  fidelis  quis  inveniatur,  statuit  Hieron3rmus,  potissimimi 
"veritatem  interpretationis"  retinendam  esse  et  "com- 
mentatoris  officium  esse,  non  quid  ipse  velit,  sed  quid 
sentiat  ille  quern  interpretatur,  exponere"^;  adiicit  autem, 
"grande  periculum  esse  in  Ecclesip  loqui,  ne  forte  inter- 
pretatione  perversa  de  Evangelic  Christi  hominis  fiat 
Evangelium'  '3.  Deinde  '  'in  explanatione  sanctarum  Scrip- 
turarum non  verba  composita  et  oratoriis  flosculis  adornata 
sed  eruditio  et  simplicitas  quaeritur  veritatis"^.  Quam 
quidem  ad  norman  cum  scripta  sua  exararet,  in  com- 
mentariis  profitetur  hoc  sibi  habere  propositum,  non  ut 
verba  sua  "laudentur,  sed  ut  quae  ab  alio  bene  dicta  sunt, 
ita  intellegantur  ut  dicta  sunt"^;  in  expositione  vero  divini 
verbi  eam  requiri  orationem,  quae  "nullam  lucubrationem 
redolens  .  .  .  rem  explicet,  sensimi  edisserat,  obscura 
manifestet,  non  quae  verborum  compositione  frondescat"^. 
Atque  hie  placet  plures  Hieronymi  locos  subiicere,  e  quibus 
liquet,  quam  vehementer  ab  eloquentia  ilia  abhorreret 
declamatorum  propria,  que  vacuo  verborum  strepitu  et 
celeritate  loquendi  inanes  plausus  intendit.     "Nolo  te", 

1  2  Tim.  3,  16.  2  Ep.  49,  al.  48,  17,  7. 

*  In  Gal.  1,11  sqq.  ^  In  Amos,  Praef.  in  1,  3% 

6  In  Gal.,  Praef.  in  1.  3.       ^  Ep.  36,  14,  2 ;  cf.  ib.  140,  1,  2, 


252    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

monet  Nepotianum  presbyterum,"declamatorem  esse  et 
rabulam  garrulumque,  sed  mysterii  peri  turn  et  sacra- 
mentorum  Dei  tui  eruditissimum.  Verba  volvere  et 
celeritate  dicendi  apud  imperitum  vulgus  admirationem 
sui  facere,  indoctorum  hominum  est."i  "Ex  litteratis  qui- 
ciunqu3  hodie  ordinantur,  id  habent  curae,  non  quomodo 
Scripturarum  medullas  ebibant,  sed  quomodo  aures  populi 
declamatorum  flosculis  mulceant."2  "Taceo  de  mei 
similibus,  qui  si  forte  ad  Scripturas  sanctas  post  saeculares 
litteras  venerint,  et  sermone  composite  aiirem  populi 
mulserint,  quidquid  dixerint,  hoc  legem  Dei  putant,  nee 
scire  dignantur  quid  prophetae,  quid  Apostoli  senserint, 
sed  ad  sensum  suum  incongrua  aptant  testimonia:  quasi 
grande  sit  et  non  vitiosissimum  dicendi  genus,depravare 
sententias  et  ad  voluntatem  suam  Scripturam  trahere 
repugnantem."3  "Nam  sine  Scripturarum  auctoritate 
garrulitas  non  haberet  fidem,  nisi  viderentur  perversam 
doctrinam  etiam  divinis  testimoniis  roborare."^  Verum 
haec  garrula  eloquentia  et  verbosa  rusticitas  "nihil 
mordax,  nihil  vividum,  nihil  vitale  demonstrat,sed  totum 
flaccidum  marcidumque  et  mollitum  ebullit  in  olera  et  in 
herbas,  quae  cito  arescunt  et  corruunt":  simplex,  contra, 
Evangelii  doctrina,  similis  minimo  grano  sinapis..  "non 
exsurgit  in  olera,  sed  crescit  in  arborem,  ita  ut  volucres 
caeli  .  .  .  veniant  et  habitent  in  ramis  eius"^.  Quare 
hanc  sanctam  dicendi  simplicitatem,  cum  perspicuitate  et 
venustate  minime  quaesita  coniunctam,  ipse  in  omnibus 
sectabatur:  "Sint  alii  diserti,  laudentur  ut  volunt,  et  in- 
flatis  buccis  spimiantia   verba  trutinentur:  mihi   sufficit 

1  Ep.  52,  8,  1.  2  Dial.  c.  Lucif.  11.  » Ep.  53,  7,  2. 

4  In  Tit.  1,  10  sq.        5  in  Mt.  13,  32. 


APPENDIX  III  253 

sic  loqui  ut  intellegar  et  ut  de  Scripturis  disputans  Scrip- 
turarum  imiter  simplicitatem."!  Etenim  "ecclesiastica 
interpretatio  etiamsi  habet  eloquii  venustatem,  dis- 
simulare  earn  debet  et  fugere,  ut  non  otiosis  philoso- 
phorum  scholis  paucisque  discipulis,  sed  universo  loquatur 
hominum  generi"2.  Quae  profecto  consilia  et  praecepta 
si  iuniores  sacerdotes  ad  effecttim  deduxerint  et  seniores 
continenter  prae  oculis  habuerint,  confidimus  eos  fore 
Christifidelium  animis  per  ministerium  sacrum  summo- 
pere  profuturos. 

DE  FRUCTIBUS  STUDII  SACRAE  SCRIPTURAE. 

Reliquum  est,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  ut  "dulces  fructus" 
commemoremus,  quos  Hieronymus  "de  amaro  semine 
litterarum"  decerpsit,  in  earn  erecti  spem,  futurum,  ut 
eius  exemplo  ad  cognoscendam  percipiendamque  sacri 
codicis  virtutem  sacerdotes  et  fideles  vestris  curis  con- 
crediti  incendantiu*.  Sed  tantas  tamque  suaves  spiritus 
delicias,  quibus  pius  anachoreta  affluebat,  malumus  ex 
eius  veluti  ore  quam  ex  Nostris  verbis  complectamini. 
Audiatis  igitur  quomodo  de  sacra  hac  disciplina  Paulinum 
"symmystam,  sodalem  et  amicum**  alloquatur:  "Oro  te, 
f rater  carissime,  inter  haec  vivere,  ista  meditari,  nihil 
aliud  nosse,  nihil  quaerere,  nonne  tibi  videtur  iam  hie 
in  terris  regni  caelestis  habitaculimi?"^  Alumnam  vero 
suam,  Paulam  ita  interrogat:  "Oro  te,  quid  hoc  sacratius 
Sacramento?  quid  hac  voluptate  iucundius?  Qui  cibi, 
quae  mella  sunt  dulciora  quam  Dei  scire  prudentiam,  in 
adyta  eius  intrare,  sensiun  Great  oris  inspicere  et  ser- 

1  Ep.  36,  14,  2.  2  lb.  48  al  49,  4,  3. 

8  Ep.  53,  10,  1. 


254    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

mones  Domini  tui,  qui  ab  huius  miindi  sapientibus  de- 
ridentur,  plenos  docere  sapientia  spiritali?  Habeant  sibi 
ceteri  suas  opes,  gemma  bibant,  serico  niteant,  plausu 
populi  delectentur  et  per  varias  voluptates  divitias  suas 
vincere  nequeant:  nostrae  deliciae  sint,  in  lege  Domini 
meditari  die  ac  nocte,  pulsare  ianuam  non  patentem,  panes 
Trinitatis  accipere  et  saecuH  fluctus,  Domino  praeeunte, 
calcare."!  Ad  eandem  Paulam  et  filiam  eius  Eustochium 
in  commentario  Epistulae  ad  Ephesios :  "Si  quidquam  est, 
Paula  et  Eustochium,  quod  in  hac  vita  sapientem  teneat 
et  inter  pressuras  et  turbines  mundi  aequo  animo  manere 
persuadeat,  id  esse  vel  primum  reor  meditationem  et 
scientiam  Scripturarum."^  Qua  cum  ipse  uteretur,  gravi- 
bus  animi  maeroribus  corporisque  aegrotationibus  affectus, 
tamen  pacis  et  interioris  gaudii  solacio  fruebatur:  quod 
quidem  gaudiimi  non  erat  in  vana  atque  otiosa  delecta- 
tione  positum,  sed,  a  caritate  profectimi,  in  caritatem 
actuosam  erga  Ecclesiam  Dei  convertebatur,  cui  divini 
verbi  custodia  a  Domino  commissa  est. 

Etenim  in  sacris  utriusque  Foederis  Litteris  Ecclesiae 
Dei  laudes  legebat  passim  praedicatas.  Singulae  fere 
illustres  sanctaeque  mulieres,  quae  in  Veteri  Testament© 
honorificum  obtinent  locum,  nonne  huius  Christi  Sponsas 
figuram  praeferebant?  Nonne  sacerdotiimi  et  sacrificia, 
instituta  et  sollemnia,  universae  paene  Veteris  Testa- 
menti  res  gestae  ad  eam  adumbrandam  pertinebant? 
Quid,  quod  tot  Psalmorum  et  prophetarum  vaticinationes 
in  Ecclesia  divinitus  impletas  intuebatur?  Non  ipsi 
denique  audita  erant,  a  Christ o  Domino  et  ab  Apostolis 
enuntiata,  maxima  eiusdem  Ecclesiae  privilegia?     Quidni 

lib.  30,  13.  2inEph.,Prol. 


APPENDIX  III  255 

igitur  in  animo  Hiaeronymi  amorem  erga  Christi  Spon- 
sam  cotidie  magis  excita  verit  scientia  Scrip  turanun  ?  lam 
vidimus,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  quanta  reverentia  et  quam 
flagranti  caritate  is  Ecclesiam  Romanam  et  Petri  Cathe- 
dram  prosequeretur ;  vidimus  quam  acriter  Ecclesiae  ad- 
versaries impugnaret.  Cum.  autem  iuniori  commilitoni 
Augustino,  idem  proelium  proelianti,  plauderet,  et  se  una 
ami  eo  haereticorum  invidiam  in  se  suscepisse  laetaretur : 
"Macte  virtute",  ita  eum  alloquitur,  "in  orbe  celebraris. 
Catholici  te  conditorem  antiquae  nu-siun  fidei  venerantur 
atque  suscipiunt,  et,  quod  signum  maioris  gloriae  est, 
omnes  heretici  detestanttu-,  et  me  pari  persequuntur  odio, 
ut  quos  gladiis  nequeant ,  vot  o  interficiant . "  ^  Quae  egregie 
confirmat  Postumianus,  apud  Sulpicitmi  Severum  de 
Hieronymus  testatus:  *'Cui  iugis  adverstmi  malos  pugna 
perpetuumque  certamen  concivit  odia  perditorum.  Ode- 
runt  eum  haeretici,  quia  eos  impugnare  non  desinit 
oderunt  clerici,  quia  vitam  eorum  insectatur  et  crimina; 
Sed  plane  eimi  omnes  boni  admirantur  et  diligunt.'*2 
Quo  ex  haereticonun  perditorumque  hominiun  odio 
multa  perpessu  aspera  Hieronymus  oppetiit,  tum  maxime 
cum  Pelagiana  coenobium  Bethlehemiticiun  tumultuose 
adorti  vastarunt ;  at  omnes  indignitates  continneliasque 
libenter  pertulit,  neque  animo  concidit,  utpote  qui  pro 
tuenda  Christi  fide  mori  non  dubitaret:  ''Hoc  meum 
gaudium  est",  ad  Aproniimi  scribit,  "quando  in  Christo 
audio  filios  meos  dimicare,  et  istum  zelum  in  nos  ipse  con- 
firmet,  cui  credimus,  ut  pro  fide  eius  sanguinem  voluntarie 
fundamus.  .  .  .  Nostra  autem  domus  secundtun  camales 


lEp.  141,  2;cf.  ib.  134,  1. 

2  Postumianus  apud  Sulp.  Sev.,  Dial.  1,  9. 


256    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

opes  haereticorum  persecutionibus  penitus  eversa,  Christo 
propitio  spiritalibus  divitiis  plena  est.  Melius  est  enim 
panem  manducare  quam  fidem  perdere . "  i  Quodsi  errores 
nusquam  impune  serpere  passus  est,  haud  minora  sane 
studio  in  perditos  mores  vehementi  illo  suo  dicendi  genere 
usus  est,  ut,  quantimi  in  se  erat,  Christo  "exhiberet  .  .  . 
gloriosam  Ecclesiam,  non  habentem  maculam  aut  rugam, 
aut  aliquid  eiusmodi,  sed  ut  sit  sancta  et  immaculata"^. 
Quam  graviter  cos  increpat,  qui  sacerdotalem  dignitatem 
pravo  vitae  instituto  violarent !  Quam  eloquenter  ethnicos 
vituperat  mores,  qui  ipsam  Urbem  magna  ex  parte  in- 
ficerent!  Hanc  vero  vitiorum  scelerumque  omnium  col- 
luviem  ut  quoquopacto  cohiberet,opponere  ipse  virtutum 
christianarum  praestantiam  atque  pulchritudinem,  veris- 
sime  ratus  nihil  tam  ad  malum  aversandiun  valere  quam 
renmi  optimanun  amorem;  instare  ut  adulescentes  pie  ac 
recte  instituerentur ;  gravibus  consiliis  coniuges  ad  vitae 
integritatem  sanctitatemque  hortari ;  studium  virginitatis 
pin-ioribus  instillare  animis;  arduam  quidem  sed  suavem 
interioris  vitae  severitatem  omnibus  laudibus  extollere; 
primam  illam  christianae  religionis  legem,  caritatis  scilicet 
cum  labore  coniunctae,  qua  servata,  e  perturbationibus 
ad  tranquillitatem  ordinis  se  hominiun  societas  feliciter 
reciperet,  omni  contentione  urgere.  De  caritate  autem 
ita  praeclare  ad  Sancttun  Paulinum:  "Verum  Christi 
templum  anima  credentis  est:  illam  exoma,  illam  vesti, 
illi  offer  donaria,  in  ilia  Christum  suscipe.  Quae  utilitas, 
parietes  fulgere  gemmis  et  Christum  in  paupere  fame 
mori?"3  Laboris  vero  legem  non  scriptis  modo,  sed  totius 
quoque  vitae  exemplis  tam  impense  omnibus  suadebat,  ut 

1  Ep.  139.        2  Eph  5,  27.        »  Ep.  58,  7,  1. 


APPENDIX  III  257 

Postumiantis,  qui  sex  menses  cum  Hieronymo  in  urbe 
Bethlehem  commoratus  erat,  apud  Sulpicium  Severum 
testatus  sit:  "Totus  semper  in  lectione,  totus  in  libris  est: 
non  die,  non  nocte  requiescit ;  aut  legit  aliquid  semper  aut 
scribit."!  Ceterum,  quantum  Ecclesiam  adamaret,  liquet 
etiam  ex  commentariis,  in  quibus  nullam  dilaudandae 
Christi  Sponsae  opportunitatem  praeterit.  Ita,  exempli 
causa,  in  explanatione  Aggaei  prophetae  legimus:  "Vene- 
runt  electa  omnium  gentium  et  repleta  est  gloria  domus 
Domini,  quae  est  Ecclesia  Dei  viventis,  columna  et  firma- 
mentimi  veritatis.  .  .  .  His  metallis  illustrior  fit  Ecclesia 
Salvatoris  quam  quondam  synagoga  fuerat :  his  lapidibus 
vivis  aedificatur  domus  Christi  et  pax  ei  praebetur 
aetema."2  Et  in  Michaeam:"Venite,  ascendamus  in  mon- 
tem  Domini :  ascensione  opus  est  ut  quis  ad  Christum 
valeat  pervenire  et  domvun  Dei  lacob,  Ecclesiam,  quae 
est  domus  Dei,  columna  et  firmamentum  veritatis. "^ 
In  prooemio  commentarii  in  Matthaeum:  "Ecclesia  .  .  . 
supra  petram  Domini  voce  fundata  est,  quam  introduxit 
Rex  in  cubiculum  suum  et  ad  quam  per  foramen  descen- 
sionis  occultae  misit  manum  suam."^ 

Quemadmodum  in  postremis,  quos  attulimus,  locis,  sic 
plerumque  Dominum  lesum  intime  cum  Ecclesia  coni- 
unctum  Doctor  noster  concelebrat.  Caput  enim  cum  a 
corpore  mystico  separari  nequeat,  necessario  coniungitur 
cum  Ecclesiae  studio  Christi  amor,  qui  scientiae  Scrip- 
turarum  praecipuus  atque  dulcissimus  omniimi  fructus 
habendus  est.  Hanc  profecto  sacri  codicis  scientiam  adeo 
Hieronymus  persuasum  habebat  usitatam  esse  viam  qua 


1  Postumianus  apud  Sulp.  Sev.,  Dial.  1,  9. 

2  In  Agg.  2,  1  sqq.         3  in  Mich.  4,  1  sqq.  4  In.  Mt.  Pro! 


258    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

ad  cognitionem  et  amorein  Christi  Domini  pervenitur,  ut 
asseverare  minime  dubitaverit  •  "Ignoratio  Scripturarum 
ignoratio  Christi  est.  "i  Idem  ad  sanctam  Paulam  scribit : 
"Quae  enim  alia  potest  esse  vita  sine  scientia  Scripturarum 
per  quas  etiam  ipse  Christus  agnoscitur,  qui  est  vita 
credentium?"2  In  Christum  enim  veluti  centrum  omnes 
utriusque  Testamenti  paginae  vergunt;  et  Hieronymus, 
cum  verba  Apocalypsis  explanat  quae  sunt  de  flu  vie  et 
ligno  vitae,  inter  alia,  haec  habet :  "Unus  fluvius  egreditur 
de  throno  Dei,  hoc  est  gratia  Spiritus  Sancti,  et  ista  gratia 
Spiritus  Sancti  in  Sanctis  Scripturis  est,  hoc  est  in  isto 
fluvio  Scripturarum.  Tamen  iste  fluvius  duas  ripas  habet , 
et  Vetus  et  Novum  Testamentum,  et  in  utraque  parte 
abor  plantata  Christus  est."^  Nihil  igitur  mirum  si, 
quaecumque  in  sacro  codice  leguntur,  ea,  pia  meditatione, 
ad  Christum  referre  consueverat:  "Ego  quando  lego 
Evangelium  et  video  ibi  testimonia  de  lege,  testimonia  de 
prophetis,  solum  Christum  considero:  sic  vidi  Moysen, 
sic  vidi  prophetas,  ut  de  Christo  intellegerem  loquentes. 
Denique  quando  venero  ad  splendorem  Christi  et  quasi 
splendidissimum  lumen  clari  solis  adspexero,  lucemae 
lumen  non  possum  videre.  Numquid  lucemam  si  in- 
cendas  in  die,  lucere  potest?  Si  sol  luxerit,  lux  lucemae 
non  paret:  sic  et  Christo  praesente  comparata  lex  et 
prophetae  non  apparent.  Non  detraho  legi  et  prophetis, 
quin  potius  laudo,  quia  Christum  praedicant.  Sed  sic 
lego  legem  et  prophetas  ut  non  permaneam  in  lege  et 
prophetis,  sed  per  legem  et  prophetas  ad  Christimi  per- 
veniam."4    Ita,  qui  Christum  ubique  pie  quaereret,  etim 


1  In  Is.,  Prol. ;  cf.  tract,  de  Ps  77.        2  Ep.  30,  7, 
8  Tract,  de  Ps,  1.        ^  Tract,  in  Mc.  9,  1—7 


APPENDIX  III  259 

Scnpturarum  commentatione  ad  amorem  et  scientiam 
Domini  lesu  mirifice  efferri  cemimus,  in  qua  margarita, 
illamEvangelii  pretiosam  invenit  :"Unum  autem  est  pretio- 
sissimum  margaritum,  scientia  Salvatoris  et  sacramentum 
passionis  illius  et  resurrectionis  arcanum. "i  Qua  Christi 
caritate  cum  flagraret,  nimirum  fiebat  ut,  pauper  et 
humilis  cum  Christo,  animo  ab  omnibus  terrenis  cutis 
libero  ac  soluto,  unic3  Christum  quaereret,  eius  spiritu 
ageretur,  cum  eo  coniunctissime  viveret,  eum  patientem 
in  se,  imitando,  effingeret,  nihil  haberet  antiquius  quam  ut 
cum  Christo  et  pro  Christo  pateretur.  Quare,  cum, 
iniiuiis  odiisque  improborum  hominum  lacessitus,  Damaso 
vita  functo,  Roma  discessisset,  in  eoque  esset  ut  navem 
conscenderet,  haec  scribebat:  "Et  licet  me  sceleratam 
quidam  putent  et  omnibus  flagitiis  obrutum,  et  pro  peccatis 
meis  etiam  haec  parva  sint,  tamen  tu  bene  facis,  quod  ex 
tua  mente  etiam  malos  bonos  putas.  .  .  .  Gratias  ago 
Deo  meo  quod  dignus  sum  quem  mundus  oderit.  .  .  . 
Quotam  partem  angustiarum  perpessus  sum  qui  cruci 
mihto?  Infamiam  falsi  criminis  importarunt:  sed  scio 
per  malam  et  bonam  f  amam  perveniri  ad  regna  caelorum.  "2 
Et  sanctam  virginem  Eustochium  ad  eiusmodi  vitae 
labores  pro  Christo  fortiter  ferendos  sic  hortabatur: 
"Grandis  labor,  sed  grande  praemium,  esse  quod  Martyres, 
esse  quod  Apostolos,  esse  quod  Chris tus  est.  .  .  .  Haec 
omnia,  quae  digessimus,  dura  videbuntur  ei  qui  non 
amat  Christum.  Qui  autem  omnem  saeculi  pompam 
pro  purgamento  habuerit  et  vana  duxerit  universa  sub 
sole,  ut  Christum  lucrifaciat,  qui  commortuus  est  Domino 
suo  et  conrestirrexit  et  crucifixit  camem  cum  vitiis  et  con- 


1  In  Mt.  13,  45  sqq.  ^  Ep.  45,  1,  6. 


260    A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

cupiscentiis,  libere  proclamabit:  Quis  nos  separabit  a 
caritate  Christi?"!  Fructus  igitur  e  sacrorum  voluminum 
lectione  Hieronymus  capiebat  uberrimos :  inde  interiora  ilia 
Ittmina,  quibus  ad  Christum  magis  magisque  cognoscen- 
dum  adamandumque  trahebatur ;  inde  spiritum  ilium  ora- 
tionis,  de  quo  tarn  pulchra  conscripsit;  inde  mirabilem  il- 
1am  cum  Christ o  consuetudinem,  cuius  incitatus  deliciis, 
per  arduam  crucis  semitam,  ad  adipiscendam  victoriae 
palmam  sine  intermissione  procurrit.  Idem  continuo 
animi  ardore  in  Sanctissimam  Eucharistiam  ferebatur, 
cum  "nihil  illo  ditius  qui  Corpus  Domini  canistro  vimineo, 
sanguinem  portat  vitro"2;  nee  minore  reverentia  et 
pietate  Deiparam  colebat  cuius  perpetuam  virginitatem 
pro  viribus  defendit;  eandemque  Dei  Matrem,  nobilissi- 
mum  viri",utum  omnium  exemplar,  Christi  sponsis  pro- 
ponere  ad  imitandum  consueverat^.  Quamobrem  nemo 
mirabitur,  tarn  vehementer  Hieron3rmum  allectum  atque 
attractum  esse  iis  Palaestinae  locis  quae  Redemptor 
Noster  et  Sanctissima  eius  Mater  consecravissent ;  ipsius 
profecto  sententiam  in  iis  licet  agnoscere,  quae  Paula  et 
Eustochium,  eius  discipulae,  ex  urbe  Bethlehem  ad 
Marcellam  conscripserunt :  "Quo  sermone,  qua  voce  spe- 
luncam  tibi  possumus  Salvatoris  exponere?  Et  illud 
praesepe,  in  quo  infantulus  vagiit,  silentio  magis  quam 
infirmo  sermone  honorandum  est.  ,  .  .  Ergone  erit  ilia 
dies,  quando  nobis  liceat  speluncam  Salvatoris  intrare,  in 
sepulcro  Domini  flere  cum  sorore,  flere  cum  matre? 
Crucis  deinde  lignum  lambere  et  in  Oliveti  monte  cum 
ascendente   Domino,   voto  et  animo  sublevari?"^    Has 


1  lb.  22,  38  sqq.  2  ib.  125,  20,  4. 

3  Cf.  Ep.  22,  38,  3.  4  Ib.  46,  11,  13. 


APPENDIX  III  261 

igitur  recolens  sacras  memorias,  Hieronymus,  Roma 
procul,  corpori  quidem  duriorem  scd  tarn  suavem  animo 
vitam  agebat,  ut  exclamaret:  "Habeat  Roma,  quod 
angustior  Urbe  Romana  possidet  Bethlehem. "^ 

Sanctissimi  viri  optatum,  alia  ratione  atque  ipse  intel- 
legebat,  perfectum  esse,  est  cur  Nos  gaudeamus  et  Romani 
cives  Nobiscum  gaudeant;  quas  enim  Doctoris  Maximi 
reliquias,  in  illo  ipso  specu  conditas,  quem  tamdiu  in- 
coluerat,  Davidica  noblissima  ci vitas  se  olim  possidere 
gloriabatur,  eas  iam  felix  Roma  habet,  in  maiore  Deiparae 
Basilica  depositas,  apud  ipsimi  Praesepe  Domini.  Silet 
quidem  vox  ilia,  cuius  sonum  e  solitudine  olim  prodeuntem 
totus  audivit  catholicus  orbis;  sed  scriptis  suis,  quae  "per 
universum  mundum  quasi  divinae  lampades  rutilant"^, 
Hieronymus  adhuc  clamat.  Clamat,  quae  sit  Scrip- 
turarum  praestantia,  quae  integritas  et  historica  fides, 
quam  dulces  fructus  earum  lectio  pariat  ac  meditatio. 
Clamat,  ut  ad  institutum  vitae  christian o  nomine  dignum 
omnes  Ecclesiae  filii  redeant,  et  ab  ethnicorum  moribus, 
qui  hac  nostra  aetate  paene  revixisse  videntur,  se  immunes 
atque  incolumes  servent.  Clamat,  ut  Petri  Cathedra, 
Italorum  praesertim  pietate  et  studio,  quorum  in  finibus 
divinitus  constituta  est,  eo  sit  in  honore,  ea  fruatur  liber- 
tate,  quam  apostolici  muneris  dignitas  atque  ipsa  per- 
functio  omnino  postulant.  Clamat,  ut  christianae  illae 
gentes,  quae  ab  Ecclesia  Matre  misere  desciverunt,  ad 
eam  denuo  confugiant,  in  qua  spes  omnis  posita  est  salutis 
aeternae.  Atque  utinam  his  monitis  obsequantur  oiient- 
ales  in  primis  Ecclesiae,  quae  iam  nimium  diu  a  Petri 


lib.  54,  13,6. 

^Cassian.,  De  irfcarn.  7,  26. 


262     A  HANDBOOK  OF  SCRIPTURE  STUDY 

Cathedra  averse  sunt  animo.  Hieronymus  enim,  cum  in 
lis  regionibus  viveret  et  Gregoria  Nazianzeno  Didymoque 
Alexandrine  usus  esset  magistris,orientalium  aetatis  suae 
populorum  doctrinam  ,ea  complexus  est  pervulgata 
sentential  "Si  quis  in  Noe  area  non  fuerit,  periet  regnante 
dilu vio .  * '  1  Cuius  d ilu vii  fluctus  nonne  hodie  impendent  ad 
omnia,  nisi  eos  Deus  avertat,  hominum  instituta  destru- 
enda?  Ecquid  enim,  sublato,  universarum  rerum  auctore 
et  conservatore,  Deo,  non  corruat?  Ecquid  non  pereat, 
quod  ab  se  Christum,  qui  vita  est,  segregarit?  Sed  qui 
olim,  discipuHs  comprecantibus,  mare  turbatum  tran- 
quillavit,  potest  idem  pulcherrima  pacis  munera  exagitatae 
hominum  consortioni  restituere.  In  quo  opituletur  Hier- 
onymus Ecclesiae  Dei,  quam  cum  peramanter  coluit,  ttun 
a  qua  vis  adversariorum  oppugnatione  strenue  defendit; 
idque  patrocinio  suo  impetret,  ut,  disci  diis  secundum 
lesu  Chris ti  optata  compositis,  "fiat  unum  ovile  et  unus 
pastor." 

lam  quae,  Venerabiles  Fratres,  quinto  decimo  a  Doc- 
toris  Maximi  obitu  exeunte  saeculo,  vobiscum  comminica- 
vimus,  ea  vos  ad  clerum  populumque  vestnmi  perferre  ne 
cunctemini,  ut  omnes  Hieronymo  duce  ac  patrono,  non 
modo  cathoHcam  de  divina  Scripturarum  inspiratione 
doctrinam  retineant  ac  tueantur,  sed  etiam  principiis 
studiosissime  inhaereant,  quae  Litteris  EncycHcis  "Provi- 
dentissimus  Deus"  et  hisce  Nostris  praescripta  sunt. 
Universis  interea  Ecclesiae  filiis  optamus,  ut,  sacrarum 
Litterarum  dulcedine  perfusi  et  roborati,  super  eminent  em 
lesu  Christi  scientiam  assequantur:  cuius  auspicem 
paternaeque  benevolentiae  Nostrae  testem,   vobis,   Ve- 

lEp.  15,2,1.  • 


APPENDIX  III  263 

nerabiles  Fratres,  cunctoque  clero  et  populo  vobis  con- 
credito,  apostolicam  benedictionem  amantissime  in  Domini 
impertimus. 

Datum  Romae  apud  Sanctum  Petrum  die  XV  mensis 
Septembris  anno  MDCCCCXX,  Pontificatus  Nostri 
septimo.     Benedictus  PP.  XV. 


INDEX 


I.     AUTHORS 


Abu   Said,  75. 

Addaeus,    89. 

Adrianus,  3. 

Ahron  ben  Asher,  68. 

Albertus  M.,  125. 

Alcuin,  34,  123. 

Alford,  9. 

Alio,   154. 

Amann,  2t(>' 

Ambrose,    St.,    124,    137. 

Ammonius,   19. 

Amphilochius,  91. 

Andre,    106. 

Andreas,   123. 

Andrews,  loi. 

Anselm  of  Laon,   121. 

Aphraates,   55,    99. 

Aquilas  of   Sin,  72f. 

Aristeas,   71,    109. 

Arnolt,   118. 

Assemani,   126. 

Athanasius,   St.,  54,  84,  90, 

124,   137- 
Athenagoras,  137. 
Athias,  70. 
Aucher,  40. 
Atigustin,  St.,  2ff.,  31,  47f., 

IDS,  124,   137,   139. 

Babura,  6. 
Bacon,  9,  11. 
Baethgen,  39. 
Bainvel,  2)2,,  128. 
Balestri,   81. 
Baljon,  9. 


Bardenhcwer,  49,  105. 

Barhebraeus,   79. 

Barnabas,  22,  31,  80. 

Barnes,   10. 

Barth,  9,    12. 

Barton,    120,   171,   I74ff. 

Basil,   St.,   124,    139. 

Basset,   no. 

Batiffol,  131,  154. 

Baur,   7,    126. 

Bebb,   29. 

Beda,  Ven.,    123. 

Beermann,  27. 

Bellarmine,  5. 

Bellot,    118. 

Belser,  6,  11. 

Belsheim,  2,2. 

Benedict  XII,  133,  144. 

Benedict  XV,  9,   136,  151,  219. 

Bengel,   51,  57. 

Bensly,  39,   107. 
99,       Bently,  51. 

Berger,  22,  61,  65. 

Berossos,    172,    176. 

Berta,    129. 

Berthold,  7. 
80,       Beza,  22. 

Billot,   128. 

Bissell,   106. 

Black,  13. 

Blass,    56,    58. 

Bleak,    10. 

Bliss,   120. 

Bludau,  59. 

Bochs,   118. 
265 


266 


INDEX 


Bockh,    119. 
Bomberg,  70,  83. 
Bonaventure,   4,    125. 
Bonferius,  5. 
Bonhoffer,  154,  164. 
Bonnet,  104. 
Bonus,  39. 
Bouriant,    103. 
Bousset,  9. 
Braithwaite,   26. 
Brandscheid,    54. 
Brassac,  6,  11. 
Brederek,  'jd. 
Briggs,  9,   10. 
Brooke,   71. 
Bruce,  9. 

Brucker,    I28f.,  132. 
Bruder,  118. 
Brun,   118. 
Bryennios,  105. 
Buchanan,   32f.,    181. 
Budge,  42. 
Buhl,  61. 
Burgon,   28,  47. 
Burkitt,   30,   39f. 
Burton,  9. 

Cajetan,  125. 
Calmet,   5,    125. 
Camerlynck,  6. 
Carney,  163. 
Case,  9. 

Cassiodorus,  3,  137. 
Celhni,   10. 
Ceolfrid,  2>T- 
Ceriani,  78. 
Chabot,  63. 
Chal loner,  46. 
Chapman,  2)Z-,  92. 
Charlemagne,  34. 
Charles,  43,  106,   io8f. 
Chase,  41  f.,  55- 
Cheyne,  9,   13,    127. 
Chrysostom,  St.,  i,  2,  48f.,  91. 
124,  137,  139. 


Chwolson,  61,   119. 

Ciasca,   40,   z^,   81. 

Clay,    120. 

Clemen,  9,    109,   155,    164. 

Clement  of  Alexandria,  90,  98, 

123,  137,  139. 
Clement  of  Rome,  i,  2j  48,  87, 

103,  104,  124,  I37f. 
Clement  VI,  133,  144. 
Clement   VIII,    36f. 
Clifford,  129. 
Cobern,    120. 
Colani,   8. 
Collins,  126. 

Conybeare,  38,  43f.,   126. 
Cook,  64. 
Copinger,   15,  49. 
Coppieters,   56. 
Cornelius  a  L.,   125. 
Cornelius  Jans.,  125. 
Cornely,  6,  10,  13. 
Corssen,  2,  24. 
Cramer,  123. 
Credner,  7. 
Creelman,  11. 
Cronin,  25. 
Crum,  119. 
Cumont,  154. 
Cureton,  38f. 
Curtius,  120. 
Cyprian,  48,  55,  80,  99. 
Cyprian,   Ps.    104. 
Cyril  Alex.,  47,  54,  124. 
Cyril  Jer.,  54,  89,  91,  99- 

D'Ales,  13. 

Damasus,  34,   92,   144. 

Dante,    105. 

Dausch,  84,   128,   144. 

Davidson,  8,   10. 

Deissmann,   16,   58,  61,   119. 

Delattre,  132. 

Delitzsch,   ii8f.,   127,   180. 

De    Nar   Bey,    118. 

Denk,  30. 


INDEX 


267 


D'Hulst,  130. 

Didymus,    54. 

Dietrich,  154. 

Dillmann,  81,  118. 

Diodor  of  Tars.,  2,  3,  124. 

Dionysius  of  Alex.,  2,  90,   124. 

Dittenberger,    119. 

Dixon,  6. 

Dobschiitz,  92. 

Doller,  113. 

Donaldson,  49. 

Drews,  8. 

Driver,  9,  11. 

Dufour,  132. 

Dnrand,    132, 

Duval,  38,  76. 

Ebers,   16. 
Ebrard,  8. 
Ehrlich,    11. 
Eichhorn,  7. 
Eisler,  120. 
Ellis  du  Pin,  5. 
Elzevir,  50. 
Engclkcmper,   132. 
Ephrem,  St.,  20,  40,  99,  124. 
Epictetus,  164. 
Epiphanius,  91,  103,  124. 
Erasmus,  29,  50. 
Ernesti,    123. 
Estins,    125. 
Evagrius,    19. 
Eucherius    of    Lyon,    3. 
Eusebius,  i,  2,  20,  34,  48,  53f., 
74,  86,  88,  89,   104,   III,   124, 

139- 
Euthalius,  19,  24. 
Ewald,   8. 
Exuperius,  92. 

Faye,    129. 

Fell,   51. 

Ferrar,  28,  29. 

Field,  74- 

Fonck,    128,    137,    144- 


Franzelin,  128,  147. 
Frazer,   54. 
Freer,  24,  26,  112. 
Frobcn,  50. 
Funk,  106. 

Gall,  69. 

Gasquet,  32,  34. 

Gautier,   11. 

Gebhardt,  27,  52. 

Gesenius,  61,  118. 

Gibson,  39,  41,  44. 

Gigot,   ID. 

Ginsburg,  69f. 

Glaire,  6. 

Glatigny,  94. 

Godet,  9. 

Goguel,  9. 

Goodspeed,  14. 

Gottsberger,  132. 

Gotz,    123. 

Gould,  9,  II. 

Graf,  9. 

Graffin,  49,  loi. 

Grammatica,  38. 

Grandmaison,  131. 

Grau,  9. 

Green,  9. 

Gregory,    9,    12,    I4ff.,    18,    22, 

24,  27ff.,  44,  47^;  52. 
Gregory    the    Great,    99,     124, 

137- 
Gregory  Naz.,  91,  99,  124,  137, 

139. 
Gregory  Nyss.,  124. 
Grenfell  and  Hunt,  ill. 
Gricsbach,  52,  57. 
Grimm,  58. 
Grotius,  125. 
Gry,    108. 
Guericke,  7. 
Gunkel,  9,   154. 
Gutjahr,  6. 
Gwilliam,  3S, 


268 


INDEX 


Hall,  40. 

Hammond,  14,  21,  55. 

Haneberg,  6. 

Hanlein,  7. 

Harding,  35. 

Harnack,  8,  ^j,  56,   103. 

Harris,   14,  17,  39,  41,  55,  108. 

Hastings,  13. 

Hatch,  58,  71,  118,  154. 

Haupt,  83. 

Hausrath,  9. 

Healy,    129. 

Heer,  2>7- 

Hehn,  180. 

Heider,  81. 

Heitmiiller,  9. 

Helbing,  65. 

Hennecke,  loi. 

Herder,  7,  126. 

Hermas,  22,  31,  87. 

Herwerden,  van,  58. 

Herzog,   184. 

Hesychius,  75,   123. 

Hetzennauer,  2)7,  54,  56. 

Hilary,   St.,  48,  80,  99,   124. 

Hilgenfeld,  8. 

Hill,  40. 

Hilprecht,  120. 

Hippolyt,  99,  124,  137. 

Hobson,  40. 

Hofmann,  9. 

Hogg,  40. 

Hohlwein,  59. 

Holsten,  8. 

Holtzmann,  9. 

Holzhey,    132. 

Hooght,  83. 

Hopfl,  II,   lid,  132. 

Horner,  42!. 

Hort,  52f.,  55f. 

Hoskier,  28. 

Houtin,  131. 

Howlett,  121. 

Hnby,  154. 

Hudal,    II. 


Hug,  6. 

Huetius,   126. 

Hugh  of  St.  Victor,  4,  125. 

Hummelauer,  von,  129,  132. 

Hunt,  II. 

Hyvernat,  42. 

Ignatius,  St.,  86,  102. 

Innocent  I,  92. 

Irenseus,    i,   48,   53,   55,  80,  87, 

99,  124,  137. 
Isaak    Nathan,   70. 
Isidor  of  Pel.,   124. 
Isidor  of  Sev.,  34,  123. 

Jacob  of  Ed.,  79. 
Jacquier,  6,  11,  60,  84,  liif. 
Jahn,  64. 
Janssens,  10. 
Jaugey,  130. 
Jay  Le,  51. 
Jensen,  8,  127,   169. 
Jeremias,  127,  155,  163,  i7of. 
Jerome,  St.,  i,  31,  34,  48,  67f., 

74^,  8of.,  99,   102,   124,    139, 

144- 
Johannes  XXII,  133,  144. 
John,    St.,   Dam.,  93. 
Jonathan,  yd. 
Josephus,  72,  98. 
Jtilicher,  9. 
Junilius  Afric,  3,  92. 
Justin,  St.,  48,  53,  55,  86,  124, 

139. 

Kahle,  69. 

Kalthoff,  8. 

Kant,  7. 

Karge,  120,  155. 

Karlstadt,  193. 

Kaulen,  6,   10,  2)Z^ 

Kautzsch,   106. 

Kennedy,    154. 

Ken  rick,  46. 

Kenyon,  14,  i5f,,  22,  45. 


INDEX 


269 


King-Hall,  120. 
Kittel,  83. 
Kluge,  44. 
Konig,  II. 
Kostlin,  8. 
Krebs,  163. 
Kroll,  154. 
Kyle,  9. 

Lachmann,  52. 

Lagarde,  41,  yd,  78f. 

Lagrange,    106,    131,    154,    163. 

Lake,  22,  24, 

Lamy,  6,  126. 

Langdon,    171. 

Langen,  6. 

Langton,  20,  70. 

Lebachelet,  36. 

Lechler,  8. 

Lefebvre,   16,   59,    129. 

Le  Jay,  51. 

Leo  XIII,  9,  147,  149,  152,  185. 

Lepin,  131. 

Lessing,  126. 

Lewis,  39,  41,  79. 

Lidzbarski,  65. 

Lietzmann,  9,  123. 

Lightfoot,   125. 

Lipsius,    104. 

Littmann,  81. 

Lloyd,  52. 

Loisy,  9,   ID,  94,    127,    130. 

Loman,  8. 

Loring,   16. 

Lowe,  123. 

Lucas  Briig,  125. 

Lucian  of  Ant.,  54,  75,  82. 

Luther,  50,  93. 

Machen,    9. 
Maclean,   A.  J.,  dz- 
Maher,  40. 
Mai,  6. 
Maichle,  36. 
Maier,  6. 


Maldonat,  125. 
Mallon,  118. 
Mandelkern,  61,   118. 
Manen,   van,  8. 
Mangenot,  34. 
Marcion,   86. 
Mari,  84. 

Marius  Victor,  124. 
Martianay,  5. 
Martin,    10. 
Martindale,   154. 
Masius,  79. 
Matthai,  52. 
Mayer,  8. 
McDonald,    132. 
McFadyen,   11. 
McLean,  N.,  71. 
Meillet,    118. 
Meinertz,  6,  11. 
Meissner,    119. 
Melito  of  Sardes,  3,  99. 
Menochius,  125. 
Merkelbach,   128. 
Mesrop,  43. 
Michaelis,  7. 
Migne,  48. 
Mill,  SI. 

Milligan,   58,   119. 
Mitchell,  56. 
Moflfatt.  9,   II. 
Mommsen,  119. 
Morinus,  69. 
Mosinger,  40. 
Moulton,  58,  119. 
Miiller,   154. 
Muratori.  87. 
Murillo,  132. 
Muss,  118. 

Naber,  8. 

Natalis  Alexander,  126. 

Nau,    loi. 

Neander,  7. 

Nestle,  12,  14,  20,  55. 

Newman,   46. 


270 


INDEX 


Newton,  119. 

Nicetas,   123, 

Nicolaus  of  Lyra,  4,  125. 

Norden,    127. 

Novatian,  80. 

Nutt,  76. 

Oecumenius,    123. 

Oesterly,  loi. 

Olshausen,  7. 

Onkelos,  'jd. 

Origen,  48,  53,  67f.,  Ili-,  79^-, 

88,   99,    I03f.,    116,    124,    137, 

139. 

Pamphilus,  24,  54,  74. 

Papias,   I. 

Paul  of  Telia,  79. 

Paulus,    126. 

Pauly,  154- 

Pelt,    II. 

Pesch,  128,  137. 

Peter  Lombard,  125. 

Petermann,  76. 

Peters,  62,  132. 

Peultier,   118. 

Peyron,  118. 

Pfleiderer,   8. 

Philo,   72,    159. 

Philoxenus,  40,   78. 

Photius,   123. 

Pick,  82. 

Pierson,  8. 

Pietro  della  Valle,  69,  75. 

Pius   IX,  22. 

Pius  X,   10,  36,   149,   155- 

Plantinus,   51. 

Poels,  132. 

Poertner,  94. 

Pognon,    65. 

Polycarp,   18,  98. 

Pope,  10. 

Praetorius,  43,   1 18. 

Prat,  132. 

Preuschen,  102. 


Prince,  119. 
Pritius,  6. 
Procopius,  123. 

Rabulas,  38. 
Rahlfs,  71. 
Rahmani,   105. 
Ranke,  2)'7- 
Redpath,  71,   118. 
Reimarus,  126. 
Reinach,  127,  154. 
Reithmeyr,  6. 
Reitzenstein,  127,  154. 
Renan,  8,    126. 
Resch,    III. 
Reuss,  9,  10,  49. 
Reville,  8. 

Rhabanus  Maurus,  123. 
Ritschl,  8. 
Roberts,   46. 
Robertson,   58. 
Robinson,   42. 
Rodkinson,    120. 
Rogers,  120,  171. 
Ronsch,   30. 
Rose,  132. 
Rossi,  de,  79. 
Rufinus,   124. 
Rupert  of  Deutz,  125. 
Ryle,  94. 

Sabatier,  A.,  9. 
Sabatier,  P.,  30,  80,  125. 
Sahac,  43. 
Salmeron,  5,   125. 
Salmon,  9,   11. 
Salvatore  di  Bartolo,  129. 
Sanday,  9. 
Sanders,   H.,   26. 
Sanders,   L.,   132. 
Santes  Pagnini,  125. 
Savi,   I29f. 
Scaliger,  ^2. 
Schafer,    11. 


INDEX 


271 


Schaff,  7,  9,  45,  49,  184. 

Schanz,  6. 

Schcgg,  121. 

Schmid,    C,    104. 

Schmidt,  P.  W.,  59. 

Schmiedel,  9. 

Schoettgen,  125. 

Scholtcn,  8. 

Scholz,    52. 

Schrader,   119. 

Schulze,  9. 

Schiirer,    121,   154. 

Schwab,    120. 

Schwegler,  8. 

Scrivener,  14,  24,  28  ,  32f.,  49. 

Scmeria,    129. 

Semler,  71,   126. 

Seneca,  105. 

Scrapion,    103. 

Shaftesbury,    126. 

Simon,  Richard,  5,  126. 

Sitterly,  i5f. 

Sixtus  V,  36. 

Sixtus  of  Siena,  5,  93. 

Smith,  G.,  172. 

Smith,  W.  B.,   154. 

Smith,    W.    R,   8. 

Socin,   118. 

Soden,  Hans  von,  30. 

Soden,  Herm.  von,  9,  14,  18,  22, 

28,  30,  42,  53. 
Souter,  54, 
Spencer,  47. 
•Spinoza,  7. 
Spitta,    9. 
Stamm,  82. 
Stanley,  9,  64. 
Steindorf,   109,  118. 
Stephanus,    H.,    118. 
Stephanns,  R.,  20,  35,  50. 
Stier  and  Theile,  51,  83. 
Strack,   9,   70. 
Strauss.  8,  126. 
Streitbcrg,    45. 
Smeet,  9,  71  f.,  83,  107. 


Symmachus,  ys- 
Szekely,    loi,    105,  '113. 

Tatian,  40,  42,  44,  55,  86f. 
TcrtulHan,    14,    55,    80,    85,    99, 

166. 
Thackeray,   65. 
Thayer,  58. 
Theile.  51,  83. 
Theodor    of    Hagiopetros,    29, 

124. 
Theodor  of  iNIops.,  2,  90,  144. 
Theodoret,  2,  48,  54,  124,  137. 
Thcodotion,   ys,  80,  82. 
Thcodulph,   35. 
Theophilus,   137. 
Thiersch,  8. 

Thomas  Aqu.,  4,  123,  125. 
Thomas  of  Harkel,  41. 
Thompson,  15. 
Til,  van,  7. 
Tindal,    126. 
Tindale,  45. 
Tischendorf,  22f.,  25,  37,  52f., 

102.  105. 
Tixeront,  78. 
Toinard,  52. 
Toland,    126. 
Tolctus,  125. 
Torry,  9. 
Tregelles,    52f. 
Trochon,    10. 
Tychonius,   3. 
Tyrrell,    127. 

Ubaldi.  6. 
Ugolini,    126. 
Ulfilas.    45- 

Vacant,  13. 
Vaganay.  107. 
Vaschalde,  42. 
Vatablus,  125. 
Vaughan,  149. 
Vercellone,  36- 


2']2 


INDEX 


Victor  of  Capua,  z7' 
Vigouroux,   6,    lO,    13,    51,   ^z^ 

120. 

Violet,  107. 

Virgil,   164. 

Viteau,  58,  107. 

Vives,  ^2. 

Vogels,  ZZ,  38,  41  fv  55f. 

Volkmar,  8. 

Vos,  9. 

Wace,  49. 
Walafrid,     122. 
Walton,  43,  51,   125. 
Warfield,  9. 
Weinel,  9. 

Weiss,  B.,  9,  II,  53f. 
Weiss,   J.,  9. 
Weizsacker,  o. 
Wellhausen,  9. 
Wendland,  58,  109,  154. 
Wessely,   28. 
Westcott,  9,  52f.,  55fv  84. 


Westphal,  154. 

Wettstein,  17,  51. 

Weymouth,  54. 

White,  30,  34,  z^,  38,  41- 

Wilken,  28,   119. 

Wilson,   9. 

Winckler,   119. 

W^iner,  yd. 

Woolston,  126. 

Wordsworth,  30,  32,  34,  36. 

Wrede,  82. 

Wright,    loi. 

Ximenes,  49,   83. 

Zahn,  9,  40,  84,  89,  92. 
Zanecchia,   132. 
Zapletal,  113,   132. 
Zeller,  8. 
Zimmern,   119. 
Zohrab,   44,   ^2. 
Zorell,   58. 
Zschokke,    10. 


II.      SUBJECTS 


Abgar  of  Edessa,  '^'j,  104,  in. 

Accents,   15 

Accommodative  sense,  116. 

Achmim,    43,    81. 

Acts,  19,  23,  41,  56. 

Acts  of  Paul  and  Thecla,  89. 

104. 
Adam  and  Eve,  life  of,  108. 
Adultcra,  the   pericope   dc,  25, 

39. 
African   group   of    Latin    text, 

32. 
African  text,  51. 
Agrapha.    in. 
Alcuin  Bible,  35. 
Alexander  the  Great,    160. 


Alexandrian  Greek,  65,  71. 
Alexandrian   recension,    52f. 
Alexandrian  school,  2,  124. 
Alcxandrinus,  Cod.,  20,  22. 
Allegorical     interpretation,     4, 

115- 
Allegory,    115,   124. 
Alttestamentl.      Abhandlungen, 

12. 
Amarna  tablets,  63. 
American  Journal  of  Theol.,  12. 
American  Standard   Bible,  46. 
Amiatiniis ,  Cod.,  Z7^  SZ- 
Anagogical   sense,   115. 
Andrew,  Acts  of,  104. 
AngcUcus,  Cod.,  25. 


INDEX 


^1^ 


Anonymous    targums,   'j^.- 
Antilegomena,  5,  38,  40,  88,  93. 
Antiochian   school,  2,    124. 
Antiochian   text,    54. 
Antiochiis    Epiphancs,    157. 
Antwerp  Polyglot,  51. 
Anwas    inscription,   dd. 
Aphraates,   40. 
Apocalypse  of  St.  John,  2,  22, 

90. 
Apocrypha,    N.    T.,    loiff. 

Acts,    104. 

Apocalypses,    105. 

Epistles,    104. 

Gospels,    102. 
Apocrypha,  O.  T.,  106. 
Apologetics,   bibl.,  6. 
Apostolic  Canons,  93. 
Apostolicity    of    N.    T.    books, 

85,  88. 
Apostolicon    of    Marcion,    86. 
Apostolus,    14. 
Aquilas,  translation,  72. 
Arabic    Harmony    of    Gospels, 

40. 
Arabic  versions,  44,  '^2. 
Arak-el-Emir,    inscription,   6^. 
Aramaic,  59,  63f. 
Aramaic  papyri,   64. 
Aramaic  parts  of  O.  T.,  64. 
Aramaisms,   65. 
Arameans,  yj. 
Archaeology,    121. 
Argenteus,  Cod.,  45,  82. 
Aristeas,    letter,    71  f.,     109. 
Ariston,  44. 
Armagh,  book  of,   y]. 
Armenian  versions.  43,  '](>,  82. 
Ascala,  49. 
Ascensions,    apocr.,    109. 

of  Isaias,  109. 

of    Aloses,    109. 
Ashnrbanipal,  177. 
Asia   minor,    74. 
Asiatic  text,  51. 


Assuan,  64.  158. 
Athanasius,    Canon    of,   90. 
Athous  Dionysii,  Cod.,  2S. 
Atlious  Laurae,  Cod.,  27., 
Aiigiensis,  Cod.,  24. 
Augustus,    161. 
Ammonian  sections,   19. 
Authenticity  of  N.  T.,  2. 
Authorized  version,  45. 
Autographs,    14. 

Babylon,  school  of,  68. 

Babylonian    inscriptions,   66. 

Babylonian  Jews,  69. 

Babylonian  myths  and  the   Bi- 
ble,  180. 

Bahylonicus        Pctropolitanus, 
Codex,  67. 

Bar  Cochba,  67. 

Barnabas,  88,  105, 

Bartholomew,  Acts  of,   104. 
Apocalypse  of,   105. 

Baruch,  Apoc,   108. 

Basiliensis,  Cod.,  23. 

Baur,  school  of,  7ff. 

Beratinus,   Cod.,   27. 

Beza  Bible,  50. 

Beccu,  Cod.,  23,  31,  42,  III. 

Biblica,    12. 

Biblical    Commission,    135,    150. 

Biblical  text,   history  of,   I4ff. 

Bihliothcca  Sacra,  12. 

Bihliothcca  Sancta,  5. 

Biblischc   Studien,   12, 

Biblischc   Zcitschrift,    12. 

Bilingual   Codd.,    17. 

Bishops'    Bible,   45. 

Bloody  sweat,  39. 

Bobbicnsis,  Cod.,  31. 

Bocrncriamis,   Cod.,  24. 

Bohairic  versions,  42,   81. 

Bomberg  Bibles,  70. 

Book    (form),   16. 

BorccUaiiiis,  Cod.,  23. 

Borgianus,  Cod.,  26. 


^74 


INDEX 


Breviarhtni,    48. 
Brixiantis,  Cod.,  31. 
Byzantine  text,  52. 

Caesarea,    19. 
Cambridge,   22,i. 
Carnpianns,  Cod.,  25,^ 
Canaanitic,  62. 
Canaanitish,  65. 
Canon,   Catholic,   100. 
Canon,  Jewish,  96f. 
Canon  Mommsenianus,  91,  99. 
Canon  of  Josephus,  98. 
Canon  of  N.  T.,  84ff. 
Canon  of  O.  T.,  94ff. 
Canon  of  Talmud,  98. 
Canon,   Protestant,    100. 
Canon,  Septuagint,  96ff.,  98. 
Canoncs  of   Eusebius,  20. 
Cantabrigiensis,  Cod.,  23. 
Canterbury,    20. 
Capital    letters,    17.      . 
Cappadocians,  54. 
Capua,  2>7. 
Catenae,  48,  I23f. 
Catholic  Epistles,   19,  25. 
Catholic   Introductions,  9. 
Cavensis,  Cod.,  Z7- 
Chaldaic,  64. 
Challoner  Bible,  46. 
Chapters    (division),  20,  70. 
Charisma  prophetice,  86. 
Chiliasm,    90. 

Citatio  impHcita,  132,  141. 
Claronwntanus,  Canon,  23. 
Claromontanus,    Cod.,    23,    31, 

89,  99,  105. 
Clementine  Vulgate,  36. 
Codices  re  scrip  ti,  17. 
Coins,  66. 

Colbertiniis,  Cod.,  31. 
Collectanea,  hihl.  lat.,  34,  36. 
Collection  of  N.  T.  books,  86. 
Collection  of  O.  T.  books,  95f. 
Colometry,  19. 


Columns  in  MSS.,  17. 
Comma  Johanneunv,  29,  50,  148. 
Commentaries,    123. 
Commodus,  73. 
Comparative  Study,  of  Rel.  and 

N.  T.,  121,  126,  154. 
Comparative  Study  of  Rel.  and 

O.  T.,  171  f. 
Complutensian    Polyglot.    50. 
Concordances,  58. 
Congregatio    Inquisitionis,    148. 
Conservative   school,   9. 
Consonants,  68. 
Constantine's     Copies     of     the 

Bible,  47. 
Constitutiones   Apostolicce    106. 
Coptic  versions,  42,  81. 
Copyists,  21, 
Corbeiensis,  Cod.,  31. 
Corinthians,  Apocr.  Epistle  to, 

104. 
Corpus    Catholicum,   90,    93. 
Corpus  Christi  College  Gospels, 

37- 
Corpus  Evangelic  urn,  87,  93. 
Corpus   Paulinum,   87,   93. 
Corrections   of   text,  21. 
Corrections    of    Vulgate,    34. 
Correctorie-;,    35. 
Corruption  of  text,  21. 
Cosmogony,  O.  T.  and  Babyl., 

171    f. 
Councils  of 

Carthage,  99,  I33,  U4- 

Constantinople,   133,   144. 

Florence,    133,    145. 

Hippo,   99,    133,    144. 

Rome,   92,    133,    144- 

Trent,  5,  35,  93,  96,  99,  i33, 
145. 

Vatican,  99,  134,  146. 

Vienne,  4. 
Coverdale  Bible,  45. 
Critical  school,  8. 
Critical  signs,  74. 


INDEX 


275 


Criticism,   higher,    114. 
Criticism,  lower,  114. 
Criticism,    Hnguistic,    58. 
Criticism,  principles,  56f. 
Criticism,   textual,   5 if,,   57, 
Cults,  religious,  165. 
Cuneiform   writing,   65. 
Curctoniamis,  Cod.,  38. 
Curicnsis,  Cod.,  31. 
Cursive  MSS.,  71. 
Cyprius,   Cod.,  25. 

Daniel  text,  y:^. 

Dccrctum  Gclasianunv,  92,  99. 

Deification  of  man,  163,  170. 

Deists,  7,  126. 

Deity,    161. 

Designation  of  MSS.,  I7f.,  51  f. 

Detroit  MSS.,  24,  26. 

Deuterocanonical      books,      80, 

93,  96. 
Diacritical  signs,  6S. 
Diapente,  56. 
Diaspora,  Jewish,   157. 
Diatessaron,  40,  86. 
Diatribe,  59. 

Dictatio  Spiritiis  S.,  145. 
Dictionaries,   58. 
Didache,  88f.,   105. 
Didactic  books,  95. 
Didascalia,  106. 
Disputed  Bibl.  passages,  5. 
Dittographies,  21. 
Divina  Commedia,   105. 
Division  of  Bil)l.  text,   igf. 
Division  of   Hebrew  text,  69. 
Doctrina  Addcci,  89. 
Douay,  46. 
Douay  Version,  46. 
Dresden,    24. 
Dublin,  29. 
Dtiblincnsis,  Cod.,  27. 

Ebionite  Gospel,   102. 
Ebionites,  7^. 


Ecclesiastical  decrees,  133,  144. 
Ecclesiastical  Review,   13, 
Edessa,  40. 
Editio  Rcgia,  50, 
Egypt,  22,  71,   158,   163. 
"Egyptian  text,"   54. 
Egyptian   versions,  42. 
Egyptians,   65. 
Egyptians,  Gospel  according  to, 

103. 
Eleazer,  72. 
Elephantine,  64,   158. 
Elias,  Apoc,   109. 
Elzevirs,  text  of  the,  50. 
Encyclopedias,    13. 
England,  7f.,  126. 
English  version,  45. 
English  Vulgate  Codd.,  2>7- 
Ephesus,  82. 
Ephracmi,  Cod.,  21,  22. 
Epictetus,   164. 
Epistola  Apostolorum,   105. 
Epistolaria,  47. 
Erasmus  text,  50. 
Eritzov,   44. 
Esdras,  67,  96. 
Esdras  III,  106. 
Esdras  IV,  107. 
Ethics,    Christian    and    Gentile, 

T64.  168. 
Ethiopic    versions,    43,    81. 
Ethymology,   120. 
Etschmiazin,  43. 
European  group  of  Latin  text, 

32. 
Eusebian  canoncs,  20. 
Euthalian  recension,  19, 
Euthalianus,   Cod.,   24. 
Evangdiaria,  47. 
Excavations,  119. 
Expositor,    12. 
Expository  Times,   12. 
Extreme   radical   school,  8. 

Fajjum,  43,  81. 


276 


INDEX 


Fall  of  man,   175. 
Families  of   MSS.,  S2f. 
Ferrar    MSS.,    29,    55. 
Flood,     The,     and     Babylonion 

parallels,  176. 
Floriacensis,  Cod.,  31. 
France,  7f. 
Fuldcnsis,  Cod.,  27,  40,  93- 

Gatianus,    Cod.,   2)7- 

Gelasiiis  and  Canon,  92. 

Geneva  Bible,  45. 

Gentile  Church,  7, 

Georgian    versions,    44,    82. 

Germany,  8. 

Gigas  HoJmicnsis,  Cod.,  31. 

Gilgamesh,    169,    I75f. 

Glossaries,   123. 

Glosses,    122,   125. 

Glosses,  marginal,  21, 

Gnostic,   loi. 

Gospels,  general,   i,  23. 

Gothic  versions,  45,  82. 

Grammars,    58. 

Greek    Fathers,    49. 

Greek   MSS.,   I5ff. 

Greek  MSS.   of   O.   T.,  75. 

Greek,  O.  T.,  65,  71. 

Guelphcrbytanus  I,  Cod.,  25. 

Guclpherbytamis  II.,   Cod.,   26. 

Haddad  inscription,  66. 
Hadrian,  jt,. 
Hammurabi,   178. 
Haphtaroth,  70. 
Harcleian   version,   41. 
Harclcianns,   Cod.,  37. 
Harmonization,    21, 
Harmony    of   the    Gospels,    40, 

42,  56. 
Harvard   Theol.   Review,   12. 
Harvard   Theol.   Studies,    12. 
Hebraisms,  65. 
Hebrew^,  62. 
Hebrew  square  script,  66. 


Hebrews,  Ep.  to,  i,  22,  9of. 

Hebrews,  Gospel  according  to, 
102. 

Heliand,   2>7- 

Hellenism,    157,    159! 

Henoch,  108, 

Heptapla,   74. 

Hermeneutics,    4,    6,    113. 

Hermes,   162. 

Herod,  39. 

Hesychius,    recension,   54. 

Hesychius,  revision  of  Septua- 
gint,   75. 

Heuristics,   114,   117. 

Hexapla,   y2)- 

Hexaplaric  recension  of  Sep- 
tuagint,  74. 

Hieratic    writing,    65. 

Hieroglyphs,   65. 

Historical  books,  O.  T.,  95. 

Historical-critical  interpreta- 
tion, 125. 

History  of  Bibl.  Introduction, 
I. 

Historical  sense,   115. 

Historical  sense  of  the  Bible, 
2. 

Holland,  8. 

Homiletic  and  Pastoral  Re- 
view, 13. 

Homily,  123. 

Homologumena,   ^. 

Humanistic    movement,    4. 

Illustration  of  MSS.,  17. 
Inscriptions,  58. 

Inspiration,  6,  84,  128,  134,  137. 
Inspiration,     as    to     substance, 

143. 
Inspiration,  verbal,  6,   131. 
Interlinear  version,    17. 
Interpretation,   4,    123, 
Introductions,    3ff.,   9ff. 
Introductory,  rules,  3. 
Irish  MSS.  of  Vulgata,  37. 


INDEX 


2TJ 


Isis,  164. 
Itacisms,  21. 
liala,  30f.,  32. 
Itala,   Codd.,   z^- 
Italian  version,  32f. 

Jacobites,  78. 

Jahve,  name,   180. 

Jamnia,  97. 

Jesuit   school,   5. 

Jewish    Canon,    96. 

Jewish  religion,  157, 

Job    and    Babylonian    parallel, 

178. 
John,    Acts   of,    104. 
John,  Gospel,  i. 
Jonathan  Targum,  17. 
Josephiis,  64,  72. 
Journal  of  Biblical   Literature, 

12. 
Journal  of  religion,    12. 
Journal  of   Thcol.    Studies,    12. 
Jubilees,  book  of,   108. 
Judaic,  62. 
Judaistic    Christianity,    7. 

Kells,  book  of,  yj- 
Kenrick  Bible,  46. 
Kephalaia,  20. 
Kcridcthiamis,   Cod.,  27. 
Kcrygma  Petri,  88. 
King  James  Bible,  46. 
King  Zakir,  inscription,  66. 
Koine,   119,  160. 
Kufale,   book,   108. 

Lamentahili,  Encycl.,  127, 
Language   of    the    N.    T.,    59f. 
Language  of  the  O.  T.,  61  f. 
Languages,  ancient,   117. 
Laodicca,  Synod,  91. 
Laodiceans,  Ep.  to,   105. 
Latin    Fathers,   49. 
Latin  Gospel  harmony,  40. 
Latin  versions,  30. 


Laudianus,  Cod.,  22),  31. 

Lebanon,  jy. 

Lectionarics,    19,    47. 

Leo  XIII,  documents  of,  149. 

Leptogcnesis,  108. 

Lindisfarne  Gospels,  2)7- 

Lines  in   MSS.,    17. 

Literal    sense   of    the    Bible,   2, 

115- 
Literary   form  of   N.  T.,  59. 
Literary  types   in   O.   T.,    I3if. 
Liturgical  books,    15,  47. 
Liturgical  MSS.  (O.  T.),  70. 
Logia,  in. 
Logos,    162,    170. 
London,  26. 
London  Polyglot,  50 
Lucian,  revision  of  Septuagint, 

75- 
Lucian,  text  of,  54. 
Luke,   St.,  23. 

Mabug,  40,  78. 
Maccabees  III,  107. 
Maccabees   IV,   107. 
Maccdonicnsis,  Cod.,  26. 
Magistcrium    Ecclcsiac,    5,    99, 

140. 
Majusculs,  15,  18,  21. 
Manasscs,  prayer  of,   106. 
Manuscripts,    isff. 
IVIarcion,  86. 
Marduk,    163. 
Marginal  glosses,  21. 
Mark,   St.,  end  of   Gospel,  25, 

43. 
Massora,  68,  71. 
Massoretic  text,  83. 
Mathias,  Gospel  of,  103. 
Matthew.    Acts   of,    104. 
Memphitic  version,  42,  81. 
Memra,  162. 
Mesa,  63. 
Mesrop.  43. 
Middle  Ages,  4. 


278 


INDEX 


Milan,  87. 

Minuscules,   15,   ig,  21,  28. 
Alissalc  Rom.,  48. 
Mystery    religions,    lOyi. 
Mncmaion,  48. 
Moabit  stone,  63,  66. 
Modern   critical   school,  8. 
Modernism,  10,  127. 
Monaccnsis,  Cod.,  26,  31. 
Monarchian  prologues,  2. 
Montanists,  87. 
Montfortianus,  Cod.,  29. 
Moral    sense    of    the    Bible,    2, 

115- 
Moses,  Apoc,   108. 
Mosqucnsis,  Cod.,  25,  26. 
Mount  Sina,  22,  41. 
Munich,  26. 
Muratorian    Canon,    i,    81,    87, 

i8iff. 

Nabataean   script,  66. 
Nanianus,   Cod.,  26, 
Nash,  papyrus,  67,  71. 
Nebi'im,  70, 
Nebuchadnezzar,  63. 
Nehemias,  96. 
Neutestamcntl.     Abhandlungen, 

12. 
Neutral  text,  53. 
Ninive,   64. 
Nitricnsis,  Cod.,  26. 
Noematics,    114. 
Notha,  88. 

Occidental  recension,  52. 
Octapa,  74. 

Odes  of  Solomon,  102, 
Ofificial  canon,  91. 
Old  Hebrew,  65f. 
Old  Latin  version,  30. 
Onkclos   Targum,   y6. 
Oriental  languages,  4,   125. 
Oriental  recension,  52. 
Ostraca,  16,  58f.,  119. 


Oxford,  23. 
Oxicnsis,  Cod.,  27. 
Oxyrhynchus    papyri,   61,    liif. 

Pachomius,  42. 

Palatinus,  Cod.,  31, 

Palestine,   62,  64,    157. 

"Palestinian   text,"   54. 

Palestinian    version,    41. 

Palimpsests,  17. 

Palmyrenic  script,  66. 

Pamphilns,    19,  24,   74. 

Pamphilus,  text  of,  54. 

Paper,   17. 

Papyri,    16,    19,    28,    58f.,    59f., 
inf.,    119. 

Parable,  115. 

Paraphrase,    122. 

Parasha,  69. 

Parchment,   16. 

Paris,  22,  25,  35. 
Parisian  polyglot,   51. 
Pastor  Hcrmcc,  106. 
Patriarchs  and  Babyl.  parallels, 

176. 
Patristic   interpretation,    i. 
Patristic  quotations,  15,  48,  120. 
Paul,    Apoc.    of,    105. 
Paul  of  Bnrgos,  4. 

Paul Saul,  61. 

Pauli,  Kcrygina,  104. 
Pauline  Epistle,  i,  7,  19,  24f. 
Pentateuch,    Samaritan,   69. 
Persian  version,  44,  82. 
Peshitta,  38,  40,  78f.,  90. 
Peter,  Acts  of,  104. 
Peter,  Apoc.   of,  87,  89,   105. 
Peter,  Gospel  of,  103. 
Petri,  Kcrygma,   104. 
Petrograd,  22,  25. 
Pharisees,    157. 
Philemon,  22. 
Philip,  Acts  of,   104. 
Philip,  Gospel  of,   103. 
Philo,  72. 


INDEX 


279 


Philological  rules,  117. 

Philoxenian  version,  40,  90. 

Phoenicia,  64. 

Phcrnician,  65. 

Phoenician  monuments,  63. 

Pilate,  39. 

Pistis  Sophia,  loi. 

Pius   X,  Documents  of,   149. 

Poimandres,   162. 

Polyglots,   17,  49f.,  51,  83. 

Polytheism,  161. 

Ponticus,   19. 

Porphynanus,   Cod.,   25. 

Postillcc   of    Nicolaus    of   Lyra, 

4,  125. 
Prague,    14. 
Pre-PIieronymian    version,    30, 

79. 
Primary  elements  in  Bible,  135. 
Princeton    Theol.    Review,    12, 
Printed  Bibles,  49ff.,  83ff. 
Printed  Vulgate,  35. 
Prologues  to  Bibl.  MSS.,  If. 
Propaganda,    Library,   26, 
Prophetical  books,  95, 
Prophoristics,    114,    122. 
Proselytes,  158. 
Protestant   interpretation,   125. 
Protestantism,    6. 
Proto-canonical   books,   80,   96. 
Proto-evangelium,  103. 
Proverbs,  non-Biblical,   180. 
Proz'idcntissiintis  Dcus,  Encycl., 

128,    130,    I34f.,    147,    185 ff. 
Psalm,  CLI,  108. 
Psalms    and    Babyl.    parallels, 

179. 
Psalms  of  Solomon,  107. 
Psaltcrium  GaUicanum,  80. 
Psaltcriiun    Romamim,  80. 
Pseudepigrapha,    106. 
Ptolemceus   II,  yz. 
Ptolema^us  Soter,  yz. 
Punctuation,  Hebr.,  68. 
Punctuation  of  MSS.,  15,  17. 


Purpureus,  Cod.,  25. 
Rabbinic  Bibles,  83. 
Rabbulas,   38. 
Radical   school,   8. 
Rationalistic   systems,    126. 
Reformation,    Canon,   93. 
Regius,  Cod.,  25. 
Rchdigcranus,   Cod.,   31. 
Restoration    of    Vulgate    text, 

Revcaler,  162. 
Revised  version,  45. 
Revision  of  St.  Jerome,  80. 
Revue  Biblique,   12. 
Rheims  version,  46. 
Roman  emperor,  61,   163. 
Rome,  22,  25. 
Rosette-inscription,  103. 
Rotterdam,  50. 

Sabbath  and  Babylonian  paral- 
lel.   175. 
Sadducecs,  151. 
Sahac,  43. 

Sahidic  versions,  42,  81. 
Samarcitikon,  75. 
Samaritan    Pentateuch,   69,    75. 
Saiigallcnsis,  Cod.,  27. 
Sangcnnancnsis,    Cod.,    31. 
Savior,    164,   168. 
Schenute,   24, 

Scholastic  interpretation,  125. 
Scholia,  122. 

Schools   of  interpretation,   7. 
Scribes,    157. 

Scripta  Insfituti  BibJici,   12. 
Seal   impressions,    16. 
Secondary    elements    in    Bible, 

131. 
Sections,  Ammonian,  19. 
Sciddianiis,  I,  II,  Codd.,  24. 
Scleucida?,   163. 
Semitism    in    N.    T.,    59. 
Sendschirli,  64.  66. 
Seneca  and  St.  Paul,  105. 


28o 


INDEX 


Sense  of  the  Bible,  2. 
Septimins  Severus,  ^Z- 
Septiiagint,  59,  71. 
Septuagint  Canon,  96. 
Serapis,  61,   164. 
Sibylline  Oracles,   no. 
Siloam  inscription,   63,  (:^. 
Sinaiticus,  Cod.  (Greek),  22. 
Sirach,   72. 
Slavic  versions,  82. 
Solomon,  Odes  of,  107. 
Solomon,  Psalms  of,  107. 
Son  of  God,  163,  169. 
Spanish  Vulgate,  Codd.,  37. 
Speculum,  Ps.  Aug.,  31. 
Spiritual  sense  of  Bible,  115. 
Spiritus     Paraclitus,      Encycl., 

133,    151,  2i9ff. 
Square  script,  65,  67. 
Stephanus,  Rob.,  Bible,  50. 
Stichometry,  19. 
Stu-dia  Bihlica  ct  Ecclesiastica, 

12. 

Sulce,  19. 
Syllabus,    10,    155. 
Symbolical   interpretation,  4. 
Symmachus,   translation,   y^. 
Synagogue,  y6. 
Synagogual   MSS.,  70. 
Syncretism,  155. 
Syro-Philoxcniana,  y^. 
Syria,  yy. 
Syriac,  41,  64. 
Syriac  Father,  49. 
Syriac  Hexapla,  79. 
Syrian  Canon,  89. 
"Syrian  text,"   53. 
Syrian  versions,  38,  40f.,  yy. 
Syro-Latin  text,  55. 
Syrus,  Sin.,  Cod.,  39. 

Talmud,  72. 
Targumim,  64,  y6. 
Tatian,  40,  87. 
Testaments,  apocr, : 


of  the  twelve  Patriarchs,  102, 
109. 

of  Job,  109. 

of  our  Lord,  105. 
Testimonium    Spiritus  S.,   6. 
Tetrapla,   y^,. 
Text,  families  of,  51,  55. 
Text  of  N.  T.,  i4ff. 
Text  of  O.  T.,  61  ff. 
Texte      und      Untersuchungen, 

12. 
Texts  and  Studies,  12. 
Textual  criticism,  5  iff.,  57. 
Textus  receptus,  50,  52,  54f. 
Thebaic  version,  42. 
Theodotion,  translation,   y^. 
Thessalonica,  14. 
Thomas,  Acts  of,  104. 
Thomas,  Gospel  of,  103. 
Tiberias  school,  68. 
Timothy,  22. 
Tindale  Bible,  45. 
Tichendoriianus,  Cod.,  27. 
Titloi,  20. 

Toletanus,  Cod.,  37. 
Tradition,  88. 
Trent,_  5,  35- 
Triodion,  48. 
Trullan   Synod,  91. 
Tubingen  school,  7. 
Typical  sense,  iisf. 

Uncials,  15. 

University  of   Paris,  35. 
Upsala,  82. 
Usseriamis,  Cod.,  31. 
Utrecht,  23. 

V  alii  cell  anus.  Cod.,  35. 
Vatican  Library,  22. 
Vaticanus,   Cod.    (B),   17,  21  f. 
Vaticanus  (S),  Cod.,  26. 
Venice,  14,  26. 
Verbal  inspiration,  6,    131. 
Verhum  Domini,  12. 


INDEX 


281 


Vercellensis,  Cod.,  31. 
Veronensis,  Cod.,  31. 
Verses,  division,  20.  70. 
Versions,  15,  29ff. 
Vetus  Latina,  55. 
Vctus  Syra,  55. 
Vienne,  Council,  4. 
Vindobonensis,  Cod.,  31. 
Virgil,    164. 
Vocalization,    68. 
Vohu-Mano,  163. 
Vulgate,   31,   22>^;  80. 
Vulgate  editions,  37f. 


Washingtonicnsis,  Cod.,  26. 
Wearmouth,  37. 
Western  text,  52f.,  55. 
Westminster   version,   47. 
Wisdom,   162. 
Writing  material,  16. 

Zacynthius,  Cod.,  27. 

Zantc,  27. 

Zeitschrift  fiir  Alttestamentl. 
Wissenschaft,    13. 

Zeitschrift  fiir  Ntl.  Wissen- 
schaft,  12. 

Zoroaster,  163. 


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